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5 Written questions

5 Matching questions

  1. What does Realism get right about the post 9/11 world?
  2. What is the main concern about Japan developing a TMD? Why would the establishment of a TMD in Japan be considered an offensive manoeuvre?
  3. What does a state's desire to go nuclear depend on for Solingen?
  4. What were Eastern values as espoused by Chinese theorists in 2009-10?
  5. What were the negative reactions to the return of the US in Asia?
  1. a -- They were a heralding of a Confucianism that was rephrased in support of continuity with communism. These rephrasing worked around the differences between the peaceful nature of the East in the past under China's benevolent tribute system, and the bellicose nature of the imperialistic West.
  2. b Based on on-going cost benefit calculations by the ruling coalition, because of the importance she attaches to regional dynamics and nuclear neighbourhoods. A widely subscribed to non-proliferation norm in the region may have a reinforcing effect on the nuclear calculus of individual states. Likewise, regional predominance of inward-looking models and a propensity for nuclear weapons adventurism may lead states that, for political and economic reasons, would have preferred nuclear weapons abstinence to tilt toward the regional centre of (proliferation) gravity. Thus, a state with an outward-looking ruling coalition may pursue nuclear weapons should these outward-oriented elites perceive extreme external threats and calculate that the political benefits of economic integration and nu-clear restraint no longer outweigh those of going nuclear.
  3. c A Japanese TMD worries the Chinese because it would weaken their ballistic missile deterrent against the home islands. This means that Japan would be less likely to fear China. If the TMD was ship-based, the Chinese would be even more worried because these assets could be used to safeguard Taiwan—perhaps even play a role in encouraging the island to make a bid for independence
  4. d --It was criticized by China as an attempt to impose an alien cultural orientation on the region while interfering with the natural course of China's rise. As there can be no compromise, no blending of values that are mutually exclusive (according to China, Eastern and Western values are incompatible), Asia must decide whether they want to accept China, the traditional origin and future embodiment of Eastern civilization, as the basis of a new community, or accept the US, and be trapped in its plot to impose Western imperialistic values, and impede Asia from realizing its greatness.
  5. e Realism was able to explain correctly the situation of the post-9/11 world. Indeed, according to realists the military response of the U.S. to terrorist attacks is understandable. "When a state grows vastly more powerful than any opponent, realists expect that it will eventually use that power to expand its sphere of domination, whether for security, wealth, or other motives."

5 Multiple choice questions

  1. • "flying geese" model: Japan set up a hierarchy of finance, production, and technology spreading out from Japan to the countries of E. Asia.
    • created concentric circles of investment throughout Asia
    • unique form of regionalism largely based on private capital and no international political institutionalization
  2. Alternatively, dominant political coalitions dependent on inward-looking bases of support and hostility to integration into the global political economy are more likely to pursue nuclear weapons programs.
  3. -- Buck-passing is most attractive in a balanced multipolar system because, with roughly equal capabilities, each great power individually can hold off an aggressor, and is therefore capable of accepting the buck.
    -- In an unbalanced system, when one state is markedly more powerful than its neighbours, those neighbours are too weak to accept the buck, so everyone will have a strong common interest in balancing against the powerful state.
  4. Constructivists consider that political order arise from mutual understanding and dialogue across cultures, however, the essential task they preconize is to "shame rights abusers", "cajole powerful actors" if they promote proper values, and "holding perpetrators accountable to int'l standards
  5. --a) It didn't have to commit itself to a security community or a particular vision for regional identity. It just had to follow (or shape in its own image) the loose guidelines for regional integration set up by the ASEAN way.
    b) Cooperation was centred on economic ties between countries and avoided sovereignty disputes.
    c) It gave China a leading role in diplomacy in the region, particularly regarding the Six Party Talks over the future of N. Korea.
    d) It also gave China to benefit from divisions among its allies

5 True/False questions

  1. What is Russia's role in E. Asia?-- Moscow would like the region under its sphere of influence.
    -- The prospects of a twenty-first century " Great Game" between Beijing and Moscow for influence in Central Asia, plus other historical avenues of mistrust and the fact that both Beijing and Moscow value good relations with Washington at least as much as they do with one another, provides limits to the utility of this strategic partnership.


  2. Due to their diverging perceptions of the appropriate amount of security, defensive realists only seem to permit status-quo states into the international system, while offensive realists seem to only make room for revisionist states. Under what conditions then, rare though they may be, can a status-quo state be found in the international system as seen by offensive realists?a. The Security Council, of which there are five permanent members (the US, France, the UK, China, and Russia—the five acknowledged nuclear states) and 10 other members elected biannually to the council, has the authority to deploy troops drawn from UN member countries;
    b. It can mandate cease-fires during conflict;
    c. It can impose economic penalties on countries for violating their UN or other international security obligations;
    d. It can dispatch or impose military operations, economic sanctions, arms inspections, human rights and election monitors, etc.


  3. What were the arms control agreements and treaties Nixon was able to make with Brezhnev?a. It is very flexible and thus would have a high success rate—in so far as success can be measured by willingness to enter into agreements and cooperate with one another.
    b. It is highly unpredictable, as there are as of yet neither safeguards, nor any concrete obligations. Such unpredictability will ultimately cause each party to act more cautiously about reductions than they would have under a more traditional regime of arms control.


  4. What are the core features of US policy in East Asia?--a) It distorts the cultural diversity of Asia.
    b) It denies the appeal of universal values in the region.
    c) It blurs the line between socialism and Confucianism in Chinese values, and ignores the strong resistance across East Asia to China's civilizational arguments.


  5. According to Buzan, what can we learn from these similarities and differences?• high probability of classic power politics emerging from Asia in the next few decades
    • focus on economic advancement
    • possibility of war is a given in the region


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