Question types

Start with

Question limit

of 173 available terms

Advertisement Upgrade to remove ads
Print test

5 Written questions

5 Matching questions

  1. What problems did START II face?
  2. What are the pros and cons of the new arms control?
  3. Why is history―particular the history of its security dynamics before the 20th century―an important factor in the domestic politics of Asian states?
  4. What were Eastern values as espoused by Chinese theorists in 2009-10?
  5. What would be necessary for stability in a hierarchic system?
  1. a The Russians found it biased in favour of the US. Furthermore, when the USSR invaded Afghanistan, the US Senate, which must be appealed to, would almost certainly reject it. By 1992, during the Clinton administration, the interest in arms control had waned dramatically, and was shifted onto economics—an unprecedented shift in the history of politics, as up to that time, economics had been considered a matter of "low politics."
  2. b -- Hypothetically, a system with an unequal distribution of power should have more stability, because the relative capabilities will be clearer to all states in the system.
    -- The strong will have no need to fight, and the weak will have no desire to fight.
  3. c Asia carries its own distinctive baggage: with the exception of Japan, China and Thailand, all states were post-colonial constructions (and even these were all heavily penetrated by the super powers)
    • unlike in other areas of the world, the process of decolonization left behind a system that by and large reflected the patters on pre-colonial political history; this carried pre-colonial history forward into post-colonial international relations
  4. d a. It is very flexible and thus would have a high success rate—in so far as success can be measured by willingness to enter into agreements and cooperate with one another.
    b. It is highly unpredictable, as there are as of yet neither safeguards, nor any concrete obligations. Such unpredictability will ultimately cause each party to act more cautiously about reductions than they would have under a more traditional regime of arms control.
  5. e -- They were a heralding of a Confucianism that was rephrased in support of continuity with communism. These rephrasing worked around the differences between the peaceful nature of the East in the past under China's benevolent tribute system, and the bellicose nature of the imperialistic West.

5 Multiple choice questions

  1. They might lack technological and financial resources. So they are either not able to acquire sufficient secure retaliatory arsenals or not able to control and apply them properly.
  2. • Both hold strongly realist perspectives towards their regions and the wider world
    • both locate themselves in a historical self-perspective as great and ancient civilizational centres to which other peoples traditionally came for trade and enlightenment, but which themselves were not usually militarily expansive outside their region
    • both have been sensitized by colonial experiences which leads to stronger nationalism
    • both give high value to the autonomy of the economy, foreign policy, military capability
    • both are moving towards a more liberalized economy despite strong anti-capitalist traditions
    • both see US as a key threat but pragmatic enough to align with it on some matters
    • both favour multipolar international systems
    • IMPORTANCE: These deeply rooted and shared features make both India and China likely to be essentially Westphalian great power players in Asian security.
  3. a. By breaking the old arms control arrangements; it is reneging on security assurances made to Russia. Trust between the nations is therefore compromised.
    b. Mistrust may turn into apprehension in light of certain moves, like the US deploying antiballistic missiles in Central Europe despite Russian protestations.
    c. Dismissal of Russian security interests during periods of national distress.
    i. Compare China's dismissal of Japan's concern over its 'defensive' actions.
  4. --a) to weaken US military ties in the region
    b) to strengthen ties to Russia
    c) to capitalize on the disruptive behaviour of N. Korea, Pakistan, and Iran.
  5. -- Balancing means acting to preserve an existing distribution of power (e.g. by supporting a state that is challenged by a revisionist state). Buck-passing is to hold back and take no action, with the intent of shifting the burden of resistance on to an ally or some other state.

5 True/False questions

  1. What are the comparisons Buzan makes between Asia and 19th century Europe?a. More states than ever are interested in nuclear weapons;
    b. The US and Russia have abandoned strategic nuclear arms control and have begun to dismantle their arms control accomplishments.


  2. What are the "shaping factors" in the region?• insulating qualities of its geographical size and diversity
    • the presence of great powers within Asia


  3. How is India a potential factor in East Asia, according to Cossa?Disarmament contains merely the reduction of armaments.

    Arms control is a broader concept. It first priority is to increase security. This can at times be counterintuitive, because in certain circumstances it might actually lead to an increase in armament to improve security. It also addresses number, character, development and use of armaments.


  4. How did the actions of N. Korea and Iran undermine the effectiveness and validity of the NPT?a. Instead of assigning fixed numbers and parity, it assigns a general range to which the parties involved should confine themselves. This range gave the treaty's members more flexibility.
    b. The brevity of the actual treaty—a sharp distinction from the old arms control.
    c. The degree of trust and good faith it placed in the other members of the treaty—it's informality.


  5. What made the Moscow Treaty unique?a. It had no verification provisions, no data exchange requirements, and no milestones for elimination. Nor did it have any provisions to make reductions permanent.