NAME

Question types


Start with


Question limit

of 173 available terms

Advertisement Upgrade to remove ads
Print test

5 Written questions

5 Matching questions

  1. When looking at the behaviour of China and the "lesser" states in Asia, what should we keep in mind when deciding if states' behaviours in the region tend towards hierarchy or a more Westphalian model?
  2. What were the negative reactions to the return of the US in Asia?
  3. What are some criticisms directed towards the IAEA and the NPT in general?
  4. In light of the failure of the Baruch plan, what steps were made towards disarmament?
  5. How about the Australia Group?
  1. a a. That there are serious flaws in its methods of monitoring and verification.
    b. That it lacks the funds to adequately safeguard the growing supply of potential bomb-grade nuclear material, or to detect in time when these such supplies are being diverted towards use in weapons manufacture.
    c. It's data regarding minimum requirements for weapons manufacture is obsolete, creating many loopholes for countries to potentially exploit.
    d. Equipment and facilities are also obsolete, making monitoring even more difficult.
    e. It is noteworthy that significant reforms have been made to address these problems.
  2. b a. The radical Baruch plan was changed for more moderate, noncontroversial methods of arms control such as the Nuclear Weapons Free Zones and the Limited Test Ban Treaty. These were successful because of their non-controversiality, but in part from this they did not contribute much to arms control.
  3. c --It was criticized by China as an attempt to impose an alien cultural orientation on the region while interfering with the natural course of China's rise. As there can be no compromise, no blending of values that are mutually exclusive (according to China, Eastern and Western values are incompatible), Asia must decide whether they want to accept China, the traditional origin and future embodiment of Eastern civilization, as the basis of a new community, or accept the US, and be trapped in its plot to impose Western imperialistic values, and impede Asia from realizing its greatness.
  4. d -- Discerning what actions China takes towards its neighbours.
    -- Focus on the strategies that other nations take to adjust to China's rise.
    -- A hierarchic theoretical approach will focus empirical scrutiny on the domestic aspects of China's rise.
  5. e a. It was established in 1984 in response to the production of chemical weapons (CW) during the Iran-Iraq war. Iran and Iraq had been able to run CW programs through foreign trade.
    b. The Australia Group therefore makes sure that countries do not intentionally or inadvertently assist trading partners develop a CW program. Like the Zangger Committee, it uses a "trigger list" of 54 precursor chemicals related to CW, and which also would apply to biological weapons (BW).
    c. It also serves as a forum for countries to discuss experiences in implementing and enforcing CBW export controls.
    d. After 9/11, the Australia Group also added "catchall controls," which cover items not listed in the trigger lists. These "catchall controls" attempt to control intangible transfers of technology directed towards countries already in possession of a CW or BW program.

5 Multiple choice questions

  1. • US military intervention; US exerted its naval dominance over China in its own home waters
    • this left the impression in Asia that China's military bellicosity had been restrained only by a strong US response
  2. Alternatively, dominant political coalitions dependent on inward-looking bases of support and hostility to integration into the global political economy are more likely to pursue nuclear weapons programs.
  3. They created trigger lists to help monitor, control, and restrict the trade of nuclear materials, equipment, and technologies. Trigger lists were lists of items related to nuclear development. If such an item were in the process of being traded internationally, the trigger would go off and the NPT would intervene in the trade.
  4. -- Global hegemony is virtually impossible, except for a state that has acquired "clear cut nuclear superiority," defined as "a capability to devastate its rivals without fear of retaliation"
    -- Regional hegemony - A hegemon is the only great power in its system. Thus, if a region contains more than one great power, there is no hegemon. The United State is the only regional hegemon in modern history, through its domination of the western hemisphere.
    -- Potential hegemon is the most powerful state in a regional system, but it is more than that. It is so powerful that it stands a good chance of dominating its region by overcoming its great power neighbours, if not all together, at least in sequence. There is a "marked gap" between the size of its economy and army, and that of the second most powerful state in the system. They always aspire to be hegemons, and they will not stop increasing their power until they succeed.
  5. -- APEC provides a useful venue not only for the promotion of free trade but also for fighting the war on terrorism
    -- We can expect that Washington will continue to be an active player.
    -- It will remain more suited to talking about security problems than to actually helping to implement the solutions.

5 True/False questions

  1. What was China's approach to regionalism in the mid-2000s?--a) accruing economic benefits from the regional free trade regime.
    b) allaying fears of the threat it might pose to the Southeast.
    These approaches brought China many benefits, especially in the light of a disinterested US under the Bush regime, and a Japanese prime minister who was intent on respecting the dead at the Yasukuni Shrine.

          

  2. With the end of the Cold War, what has been the main agenda of ASEAN?a. It is very flexible and thus would have a high success rate—in so far as success can be measured by willingness to enter into agreements and cooperate with one another.
    b. It is highly unpredictable, as there are as of yet neither safeguards, nor any concrete obligations. Such unpredictability will ultimately cause each party to act more cautiously about reductions than they would have under a more traditional regime of arms control.

          

  3. What conditions are necessary, according to some, in order for Asia to develop into a security regime?• stronger institutionalism
    • spread of democracy
    • agreement on a status quo amongst the great powers
    • China fails to develop into a dominant power instead becoming a regional power that is perceived as benign by its neighbours
    • the US remains significantly engaged in Asia as the holder of the ring

          

  4. Cossa states that ARF has been useful as the consolidating tool behind security initiatives proposed by individual governments, and that it has aided the fight against terrorism and against the proliferation of WMD's. He then, however, points out that there are several constraints on ARF's ability to contribute to the regional order. What are those constraints?Alternatively, dominant political coalitions dependent on inward-looking bases of support and hostility to integration into the global political economy are more likely to pursue nuclear weapons programs.

          

  5. What would be the benefits of returning to traditional methods of arms control?- Reduce likelihood of war
    - Reduce political and economic costs
    - Minimize scope of war