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5 Written questions

5 Matching questions

  1. How did the actions of N. Korea and Iran undermine the effectiveness and validity of the NPT?
  2. What transformations did disarmament undergo in the 20th century?
  3. What was the aftermath of the financial crisis?
  4. What does a state's desire to go nuclear depend on for Solingen?
  5. How can arms control during the Cold War be divided into two phases?
  1. a a. N. Korea, by reneging without any punitive consequences, showed that the NPT was as effective as its signatories wished it to be. There was nothing stopping a state from subscribing to the NPT to gain the technology and materials it required and then reneging when it was ready to pursue its own nuclear weapons program.
    b. Iran presented a worse situation to the NPT: it showed that states didn't even have to renege the NPT in order to pursue a nuclear weapons program. The Iran case showed the NPT to be inadequate in detecting clandestine efforts to build nuclear weapons.
  2. b a. Bounding, or setting limits, on existing nuclear arsenals. i. This stopped the spread of nuclear weapons to other countries, making the nuclear balance—particularly between the superpowers—more manageable.
    b. Reducing strategic inventories and delivery systems. i. The next step. After limiting the number of nuclear states to the existing five (UK, France, US, USSR, and China), the issue turned to limiting the arsenals of the nuclear 5, but mainly the US and USSR.
  3. c • doubts about the Asian model and the future
    • strong securitization against globalization and a strong demand for a regional response
    • revealed a contradiction between domestic political legitimacy, and global economic rules and norms that undermined distinctive national development projects
  4. d Based on on-going cost benefit calculations by the ruling coalition, because of the importance she attaches to regional dynamics and nuclear neighbourhoods. A widely subscribed to non-proliferation norm in the region may have a reinforcing effect on the nuclear calculus of individual states. Likewise, regional predominance of inward-looking models and a propensity for nuclear weapons adventurism may lead states that, for political and economic reasons, would have preferred nuclear weapons abstinence to tilt toward the regional centre of (proliferation) gravity. Thus, a state with an outward-looking ruling coalition may pursue nuclear weapons should these outward-oriented elites perceive extreme external threats and calculate that the political benefits of economic integration and nu-clear restraint no longer outweigh those of going nuclear.
  5. e a. Up until the 19th century, disarmament was sporadic at best, and usually a tool of the victors over the vanquished. The horrors of the world wars brought major voices in nations to call for the literal disarmament of every nation. These attempts were futile, but they didn't stop, and distinguished advocates have been persistent in this regard to the present day (search on the internet for Global Zero). Despite the dedication for total disarmament, and in light of the failure to eliminate or internationalize nuclear weapons (remember the Baruch plan of last semester), there was also a movement to control arms and mitigate the catastrophic consequences of their effect in the case they would be used.
    b. The point is that in the 20th century disarmament split into the two camps of disarmament and arms control. They did not work against each other or with each other, but independently of one another, achieving separate goals to the same effect—namely, security and peace.
    c. Another noteworthy change was that the new branch of arms control dealt explicitly and virtually exclusively with the spread of nuclear information and technology and mitigation of the use and effects of nuclear weapons.

5 Multiple choice questions

  1. Traditionally its goal is to:

    - enhance national security, especially by reducing nuclear threats.
    - overcome political and ideological conflict by advancing common interests.
    - It should be consistent with military strategy
    - And arms control regimes don't have to be formal
  2. --a) accruing economic benefits from the regional free trade regime.
    b) allaying fears of the threat it might pose to the Southeast.
    These approaches brought China many benefits, especially in the light of a disinterested US under the Bush regime, and a Japanese prime minister who was intent on respecting the dead at the Yasukuni Shrine.
  3. -- Buck-passing is most attractive in a balanced multipolar system because, with roughly equal capabilities, each great power individually can hold off an aggressor, and is therefore capable of accepting the buck.
    -- In an unbalanced system, when one state is markedly more powerful than its neighbours, those neighbours are too weak to accept the buck, so everyone will have a strong common interest in balancing against the powerful state.
  4. Alternatively, dominant political coalitions dependent on inward-looking bases of support and hostility to integration into the global political economy are more likely to pursue nuclear weapons programs.
  5. -- Global hegemony is virtually impossible, except for a state that has acquired "clear cut nuclear superiority," defined as "a capability to devastate its rivals without fear of retaliation"
    -- Regional hegemony - A hegemon is the only great power in its system. Thus, if a region contains more than one great power, there is no hegemon. The United State is the only regional hegemon in modern history, through its domination of the western hemisphere.
    -- Potential hegemon is the most powerful state in a regional system, but it is more than that. It is so powerful that it stands a good chance of dominating its region by overcoming its great power neighbours, if not all together, at least in sequence. There is a "marked gap" between the size of its economy and army, and that of the second most powerful state in the system. They always aspire to be hegemons, and they will not stop increasing their power until they succeed.

5 True/False questions

  1. What were the signs in the 90s that East Asia may be returning to the hierarchic system?--It was criticized by China as an attempt to impose an alien cultural orientation on the region while interfering with the natural course of China's rise. As there can be no compromise, no blending of values that are mutually exclusive (according to China, Eastern and Western values are incompatible), Asia must decide whether they want to accept China, the traditional origin and future embodiment of Eastern civilization, as the basis of a new community, or accept the US, and be trapped in its plot to impose Western imperialistic values, and impede Asia from realizing its greatness.


  2. What were the three factors that made the US presence in Asia unjust?-- Emphasis on alliances with Japan and South Korea
    -- Deepening economic and political relations with China
    -- Support for the status quo in the Taiwan Strait
    -- A frustrating effort to get North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons
    -- An ambivalent attitude toward East Asian regionalism.


  3. What are the criticisms of the US military presence in Asia by China?--mainly that it is an old Cold War relic that is no longer necessary. Its presence prevents Asia from taking its natural course towards the more benign tribute system of Sinocentrism.


  4. What criticisms are made against the new Arms Control?a. By breaking the old arms control arrangements; it is reneging on security assurances made to Russia. Trust between the nations is therefore compromised.
    b. Mistrust may turn into apprehension in light of certain moves, like the US deploying antiballistic missiles in Central Europe despite Russian protestations.
    c. Dismissal of Russian security interests during periods of national distress.
    i. Compare China's dismissal of Japan's concern over its 'defensive' actions.


  5. What does Realism get right about the post 9/11 world?a. They passed created an agreement in which all signatories are required to implement full-scope safeguards as a condition nuclear supply to non-nuclear states;
    b. Nuclear dual-use equipment, material, and technology was better regulated.