75 terms

[Farenheit] Dwight D. Eisenhower


Terms in this set (...)

One of Dwight Eisenhower s first actions on arrival at the White House in ___________ symbolized his interest in _____________________ the Republican Party - a partisan edge that he tried to play down, knowing that his image as a __________________ who was above _______________________ helped to account for his enormous national popularity
One of Dwight Eisenhower s first actions on arrival at the White House in 1953 symbolized his interest in revitalizing the Republican Party - a partisan edge that he tried to play down, knowing that his image as a war hero who was above party politics helped to account for his enormous national popularity
In January 1953 the fortunes of the Republican Party presented a paradox. What paradox?
In January 1953 the fortunes of the Republican Party presented a para¬dox. The party was clearly dominant in Washington, controlling not only the White House, but also both houses of Congress. And yet Republicans remained the nations minority party.
How can this paradox be accounted for?
(2 items)
One of the explanations for the paradox involves the deep persistence of voters' party identification during this period; most people did not reassess their party affiliation.
Another explanation involves the political conditions of 1952, which fostered anti-incumbent sentiment.
What was this anti-incumbent sentiment caused by?
Most of all, a state of stalemate in the Korean War fueled frustration with the Truman administration; that year's Republican formula for success was known as K1C2, combining the Korea issue with those of communism and corruption, charging that the administration had failed to tackle adequately the domestic threat of communist subversion and that a series of influence-peddling scandals had marred its record of government.
More on K1C2.
The K1C2 formula, which stands for "Korea, Communism, and Corruption", was a campaign platform devised by Dwight D. Eisenhower in the United States Presidential Election of 1952. Even though he was aloof from party politics, he vowed to personally go to Korea if he was elected. This was a defining moment in the return of the Republican Party. Democrats had dominated the presidency since 1933 and this was a longtime coming return to office for the Republicans.
What had people come to think of the New Deal by then?
What did they think about the Dem P.?
The concerns of New Deal liberalism largely retained their popu¬larity, even though the transition from depression to prosperity had lessened their urgency.
Soundings of public opinion suggested "that a substantial segment of the American people directly associated their economic well being with the Democratic Party
Why did they lose the 1952 election then?
Yet the anti-incumbent forces of 1952 overwhelmed the underlying strength of the Democrats' electoral coali¬tion - reinforced by the personal popularity of Dwight Eisenhower, which lifted him above partisanship.
Eisenhower was new to party politics, but he was proactive in tackling the duties of party leadership, in which capacity he sought to boost GOP fortunes. This was a project with a number of strands. Which ones?
-First, Eisenhower took on elements in the Republican Party that he identified as hostile to sound policymaking but also to party revitalization.
-Second, he developed a "middle way" (middle of the road) agenda, which he saw both as effectively reforming the government-expanding excesses of New Deal liberalism and as possessing electoral appeal.
How did he eventually name his policy?
Eventually, in 1956, he would label this agenda "modern Republicanism." Third, he looked for ways to improve the party's organizational capacity-to strengthen its fighting forces against the Democrats. (epitomizes his desire to revitalize, reshape the image of the party)
What was the key focus of intraparty dissension?
Cold War policy was a key focus of intraparty disagreement.
Cold War policy was a key focus of intraparty disagreement, the leg¬acy of pre-World War II ___________________.
Cold War policy was a key focus of intraparty disagreement, the leg¬acy of pre-World War II isolationism.
Not all Republicans accepted the stress on __________________ _________________________ that had emerged as the dominant response to the Cold War during the Truman years.
Not all Republicans accepted the stress on bipartisan internationalism that had emerged as the dominant response to the Cold War during the Truman years.
What did bipartisan internationalism entail with regard to the role of the US in the world?
This was an approach that emphasized the need for the United States to participate actively in mechanisms of international cooperation, notably the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), to guard against Soviet expansion.
It also accepted an enlarged role for the executive branch in leading foreign policy.
To what did this bipartisan internationalism run counter?
In both respects, this bipartisan internationalism challenged an older tradition in conservatism.
By whom was this older tradition of conservatism best embodied?
At the forefront of that tradition, during the early Cold War years, was Robert Taft, the Republican leader in the Senate.
What were Robert A. Taft's main concerns?
-Taft feared a drift to big government in foreign policy, which he saw as contradictory to the Constitution and as ruinously expensive, just as he feared big government in domestic policy. Just as the Great Depression had fostered the expansion of executive authority over matters he saw as the responsibility of the states and localities, Taft saw the Cold War as fueling a similar expansion of presidential powers, neglectful of Congress's role.
-He worried, too, that international agreements threatened to pull the United States into foreign wars beyond the national interest.
-Many on this side of the Republican Party also believed that America's Cold War policy was too Europe-oriented, at the expense of Asia.
Was he successful in containing bipartisan internationalism?
What was Taft often accused of?
This opposition to internationalism was not sweeping enough to represent an isolationist response to geopolitical challenges, but Taft's opponents not infrequently accused him of isolationism
Did the tension between bipartisan internationalism and isolationist tendencies fade when Eisenhower beat Taft during the 1952 primaries?
His defeat of Taft by no means marked the resolution of the party debate about the Cold War, and the Republican Congress that convened in 1953 contained many critics of bipartisan internationalism.
What best epitomizes the importance of the influence of isolationist ideology in politics of the day?
The Bricker amendment, introduced as Senate Resolution 1 of the new Republican-controlled session. Forty-three Senate Republicans joined their colleague John Bricker of Ohio, the party's 1944 vice-presidential nomi¬nee, alongside eighteen Democrats, as cosponsors of the proposed amendment, which harnessed concerns about the expansion of executive powers in foreign policy. The project animating the proposal aimed to place restrictions on the permissible scope of treaties and executive agreements with other countries, and to modify the process by which such accords were ratified.
Plus à propos du Bricker Amendment.
L'Amendement Bricker est le nom collectif d'une série d'amendements proposés à la Constitution américaine et examinés par le Sénat américain dans les années 1950. Il visait à limiter les pouvoirs du président, notamment en ce qui concerne les sole executive agreementsgreements*.
Sans cesse repoussé par Eisenhower, l'amendement obtint 60 voix contre 31 au sénat, à une voix des deux tiers nécessaires pour être adopté.

Un sole executive agreement (« accord exécutif simple », qu'on peut aussi traduire comme « accord exclusivement exécutif », ou « seulement exécutif ») désigne une procédure de négociations internationales en droit américain, se distinguant d'une part des traités, d'autre part des congressional-executive agreements (CEA, accords du Congrès et de l'exécutif). Cette distinction est interne au droit américain: pour le droit international, les accords pris selon chacune de ces procédures sont tous des traités
What were the conditions that allowed Eisenhower to defeat this proposal?
Only narrowly did Eisenhower manage to defeat the proposal, but his leadership - facilitated by an impulse toward party loyalty and a generational change away from anti-interventionism - helped to consolidate Republican internationalism.
Did Eisenhower manage to pursue an internationalist policy as freely as he wanted?
A note of skepticism nevertheless continued to inform how many congressional Republicans viewed foreign aid, which Eisenhower saw as essential to contain the orbit of Soviet influence; time and again, Congress granted less money for foreign aid than the president requested.
Did the party remain faithful to Taft's ideas?
Still, the party under Eisenhower moved away from the Cold War view that had been associated with Taft.
How did Eisenhower view McCarthyism?
Eisenhower also identified McCarthyism as hostile to party growth, and he took steps to undermine the influence of Senator Joseph R. McCarthy.
When did McCarthy launch his anticommunist crusade?
He had launched his anticommunist crusade in early 1950
In 1950, was anticommunism new in American politics?
Anticommunism was nothing new in American politics. Even in the 1930s, some Republicans had attacked New Deal liberalism as a set of ideas connected with communism, and with the advent of the Cold War concerns about the domestic threat of communist subversion intensified.
How did Eisenhower call Truman's Fair Deal?
Eisenhower entered the White House in 1953 determined to roll back Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal liberalism, which he derided as "creeping socialism."
Where does the expression "creeping socialism" come from?
Creeping socialism," an expression used in modern times to describe America`s so-called drift towards a socialistic society, was coined by author F.A. Hayek in his book The Road to Serfdom. Published in 1944, Hayek`s book warned of the dangers of state control over the means of production, which he perceived to be occurring, especially in regards to the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), during the New Deal and the Fair Deal administrations of presidents Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman, respectively.
Why did Eisenhower choose Nixon as his running mate? How was anticommunism instrumental in undermining Democrat credibility?
Richard Nixon - a California politician elected to the House in 1946 and then the Senate in 1950, becoming Eisenhower's vice-presidential running mate in 1952 - was especially gifted in the politics of anticommunism, but his voice was one of many. When McCarthy joined this chorus with populist passion (not to mention few scruples and much shrillness) not long before the outbreak of the Korean War, many assumed that such a brand of anticommunism was powerful in driving an argument about the Democrats' failings in government, and in reaching out to a less socioeconomically privileged constituency, otherwise resistant to Republican appeals.
Did McCarthyism carry electoral might?
Senator Millard Tydings of Maryland, who led a critical Senate investigation of McCarthy's allegations, lost his reelection bid in November 1950, as did other anti-McCarthy politicians -boosting the contemporary perception that McCarthyism carried electoral might, even though subsequent analysis has questioned its connection with these defeats.
How was Eiseinhower's version of anticommunism compared with McCarthy's during his presidential campaign?
The Eisenhower campaign of 1952 employed anticommunism as one of its anti-Democratic themes, but without the shrillness, irresponsibility, and even conspiracy-mindedness that characterized McCarthyism.
Did Eisenhower keep banking on anticommunism after he was elected?
When the Republican Party gained control of the White House and Capitol Hill in 1953, any electoral advantage that McCarthyism's allegations of communist subversion in government might offer disappeared, and yet McCarthy continued to pursue his headline-grabbing endeavor. Conscious that an above-the-fray leadership style was at the heart of his personal popularity, Eisenhower was reluctant to take on McCarthy publicly, instead encouraging others to do so.
How was McCarthy ultimately defeated?
McCarthy soon engineered his own defeat. He recklessly launched hear-ings on the army in the spring of 1954, and his influence suffered irrevocable decline, with the Senate officially condemning his conduct that December.
Did that mean the end of anticommunism altogether?
Not exactly.
This also signaled anticommunism's eclipse as a Republican theme nationally when directed at allegations of domestic subversion. (Throughout the Cold War, nevertheless, anticommunism remained at the heart of the American outlook internationally, at times more intensely among Republicans than among Democrats.)
What was the link between McCarthyism and the association between the Republican party and socioeconomic elites?
Within grassroots conservatism, by contrast, domestic anticommunism persisted. McCarthy's controversial moment at politi¬cal center-stage was suggestive of the Republican agenda's potential to break the party's association with the nation's socioeconomic elite and to develop an anti-elitist appeal; McCarthy's anticommunism had targeted members of a powerful liberal elite as disloyally un-American, thus fashioning a populist vehicle for conservative ideas.
Eisenhower's vision for the revitalization of the Republican Party depended on successfully challenging the intraparty strength of anti-interventionism and McCarthyism, but the pursuit of modern Republicanism involved a much more wide-ranging project of ideological and organizational transformation. What kind?
Eisenhower's modern Republicanism acquiesced to a good deal of the New Deal legacy. It did not challenge either the New Deal's achievements or its policies of expanded responsibilities for the federal government in tackling the nation's socioeconomic problems. Eisenhower believed that an acceptance of bigger government reflected a hardheaded, common-sense understanding of contemporary needs.
How was modern Republicanism distinct from New Deal liberalism?
Yet modern Republicanism was also distinctive from New Deal liberalism. Despite its acceptance of bigger government, the new breed of Republicanism placed greater emphasis on the role of state and local governments, and on the private sector where possible, and less on intervention by the federal govern¬ment, as the source of remedies for society's ills.
Fiscal conservatism, too, was important to Eisenhower.
What is fiscal conservatism?
Fiscal conservatism is a political-economic philosophy regarding fiscal policy and fiscal responsibility advocating low taxes, reduced government spending and minimal government debt.[1] Free trade, deregulation of the economy, lower taxes, and privatization are defining qualities of fiscal conservatism. Fiscal conservatism follows the same philosophical outlook of classical liberalism and economic liberalism regarding fiscal matters.
What was the organizational discrepancy between the DP and the RP at the time?
They saw organized labor as providing a force for voter mobilization on the Democratic side that their party could not match. Analyzing the 1954 midterms, Robert Humphreys of the RNC argued that Republicans were "out-maneuvered, out-manned and out-financed" because of labor unions working for Democratic candidates.
What was the problem according to Eisenhower?
For Dwight Eisenhower, the nature of Republican activism, as well as its extent, was problematic; this was a party, he observed, of "too many generals and too few fighting men."
For Robert Humphreys, it was problematic, too, that the party's activist base constituted a socioeconomic elite that did not welcome outsiders.
Although the grassroots level of Republican Party lacked diver¬sity, it nevertheless involved _____________ much more extensively than did the ranks of the party's leaders and officeholders.
Although the grassroots level of Republican Party lacked diversity, it nevertheless involved women much more extensively than did the ranks of the party's leaders and officeholders; Representative Jessica McCullough Weis of New York, who won election to the House in 1958, estimated that women outnumbered men among activists by as many four to one.14
What campaign organization helped Eisenhower get elected, and also turned out to be instrumental in strengthening the party?
The president looked in particular to the campaign organization Citizens for Eisenhower as a means to strengthen the party. Created in support of his battle for the Republican nomination in 1952, Citizens achieved impressive success in mobilizing grassroots energy for Eisenhower first against Taft and then, in the fall, against Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic candidate for the presidency.

Was Citizens for Eisenhower a Republican apparatus?
No. Eisenhower's popularity was such that his voter-base transcended the boundaries of party-politics.
However, once he was President, what did he try to do regarding Citizens for Eisenhower? Why?
Did it work?
As president, Eisenhower suspected that the recruitment of Citizens activists to Republican ranks would consolidate the effort to moderate the party. Yet, even though Eisenhower retained high levels of popularity, the activist energy unleashed by his candidacy in 1952 subsided during his time in office. More significantly, many Eisenhower activists showed little inclination to join Republican ranks.
What else did E. do to revitalize the party?
They looked for ways to boost business participation in politics too. They saw business as a weak ally, by contrast with the role of organized labor within the Democratic Party. Even while the association with business constrained the growth of the Republican coalition, they also believed that fewer businesspeople than labor union members engaged in door-to-door politics.
In seeking his "middle way," Eisenhower achieved some policy successes.
Which ones?
The creation of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare aimed to better coordinate the federal governments activities in these areas, and the administration expanded Social Security, by increasing payments, extending coverage to previously excluded groups, and introducing a new class of entitlement - that of disabled people.
What is the Omnibus Housing Act?
The Omnibus Housing Act of 1954 provided support to both the public and private sectors in promoting the construction, purchase, and modernization of homes.
The act was initially drafted to provide 140,000 units of public housing with provisions to provide preferential treatment to families that will be relocated for slum eradication or revitalization.
Yet there were also policy failures.
Eisenhower was interested in reforming some aspects of the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, a key achievement of the Republican-controlled Eightieth Congress of 1947-1949 that restricted the rights of organized labor granted under the Depression-era Wagner Act (or National Labor Relations Act) of 1935. Despite his broad agreement with those restrictions, Eisenhower identified parts of Taft-Hartley as unfair to labor. In the end, his commitment to the project was insufficient, and opposition among conservative Republicans too intense, to result in any amendment to the act.
What is the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947?
the Taft-Hartley Act, (80 H.R. 3020, Pub.L. 80-101, 61 Stat. 136, enacted June 23, 1947) is a United States federal law that restricts the activities and power of labor unions. The act, still effective, was sponsored by Senator Robert A. Taft and Representative Fred A. Hartley, Jr., and became law by overcoming U.S. President Harry S. Truman's veto on June 23, 1947;[1] labor leaders called it the "slave-labor bill"[2] while President Truman argued that it was a "dangerous intrusion on free speech,"[3] and that it would "conflict with important principles of our democratic society." [4] Nevertheless, Truman would subsequently use it twelve times during his presidency.[5] The Taft-Hartley Act amended the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA; informally the Wagner Act), which Congress passed in 1935. The principal author of the Taft-Hartley Act was J. Mack Swigert, of the Cincinnati law firm Taft, Stettinius & Hollister.
What is the Wagner Act of 1935
the Wagner Act after New York Senator Robert F. Wagner[1]) is a foundational statute of United States labor law which guarantees basic rights of private sector employees to organize into trade unions, engage in collective bargaining for better terms and conditions at work, and take collective action including strike if necessary. The act also created the National Labor Relations Board, which conducts elections that can require employers to engage in collective bargaining with labor unions (also known as trade unions). The Act does not apply to workers who are covered by the Railway Labor Act, agricultural employees, domestic employees, supervisors, federal, state or local government workers, independent contractors and some close relatives of individual employers.
What key issue best exemplifies the difference between New Deal liberalism and modern Republicanism?
Attitudes toward federal aid for education, a key issue of the period, exemplify the differences between Eisenhower's middle-way Republicanism and New Deal liberalism. While many Democrats argued that such aid was essen¬tial to elevate the quality of schools, Republicans joined Southern Democrats in insisting that education should remain free from federal intervention.
How did the context of the Cold War influence this debate over the funding of education and education in general?
Only Cold War anxieties were powerful enough to question that insistence; the Soviet Union's 1957 launch of the satellite Sputnik caused panic among Americans about the backwardness of education in science and technology, leading to the...
... leading to the...
leading to the 1958 National Defense Education Act.
The National Defense Education Act (NDEA) was signed into law on September 2, 1958, providing funding to United States education institutions at all levels.
What other element (mentioned above) of modern Republicanism crystalized its distinction from the New Deal?
Most of all, however, it was the Eisenhower administration's commitment to fiscal conservatism that distinguished modern Republicanism from the contemporary Democratic agenda - an emphasis on balanced budgets, restrained spending, and tax cuts wherever possible. That commitment was especially evident when recession struck in 1958, leading Democratic critics to argue that Eisenhower's modern Republicanism no longer seemed so modern in approach.
How did Eisenhower respond to the challenges of civil rights?
During his time in the White House, the Supreme Court handed down the landmark decisions of Brown v. Board of Education (1954 and 1955). Yet Eisenhower's limited conception of the federal governments powers constrained his response; his respect for states' rights encouraged him to see a minimal role for the federal government in challenging segregation and discrimination, and he had little appetite for employing the White House as a "bully pulpit" to mobilize public opinion.
What did that Supreme Court decision consist in?
It ruled that school segregation was unconstitutional, overturning the Courts 1896 Plessy doctrine that permitted "separate but equal" public facilities. As the law turned against segregation, incidents of protest proliferated -from the Montgomery bus boycott of 1955 to the "sit-in" demonstrations of 1960- marking the rise of the mass civil rights movement.
What does "bully pulpit" mean?
Surnom donné par Theodore Roosevelt* à l'office politique de la présidence pour suggérer que le Président dispose d'un fort pouvoir tribunicien : il peut s'adresser à la nation pour tenter d'imposer ses vues. Il mettra cette vision de la présidence en pratique dans la campagne pour l'adoption de la loi Hepburn.
When did he have no other choice than to intervene?
Eisenhower finally intervened in 1957 to support the desegregation of Little Rock High School in Arkansas, where he deployed federal troops to ensure compliance with the courts order; this intervention was precipitated by the need to defend federal authority against resistance by Governor Orval Faubus.
Why was intervening in the South dangerous for the popularity of the Republican party? Was Eisenhower popular in the South?
The Little Rock intervention threatened to shake the foundations of tentative Republican advances in the South. With the exception of Herbert Hoover in 1928 (the electoral beneficiary of anti-Catholic sentiment target¬ing his Democratic rival A1 Smith), Dwight Eisenhower had been the first Republican presidential candidate to win Southern states (Florida, Texas, and Virginia in 1952, adding Louisiana in 1956). Despite this support for the Republican Party at the presidential level, however, the South remained otherwise solidly Democratic.
OPERATION DIXIE (passer, pas bien compris)
Nevertheless, the RNC's creation in 1957 of "Operation Dixie" under I. Lee Potter, the party chair in Virginia, signaled Republican interest in finding ways to build on this presidential success.
How did the RP consider Eisenhower's approach to civil rights?
Even if Eisenhower's record on civil rights attracted criticism from Southern segregationists, it remained disappointing to Republicans who believed that their history as the "party of Lincoln" demanded bolder action.
How did Conservatives consider modern Republicanism?
Modern Republicanism also met with an angry response from conservatives, who interpreted Eisenhower's quest for moderation as a lost opportunity for a real challenge to New Deal liberalism, and even as a betrayal of core Republican principles.
Were all Republicans happy about modern Republicanism?
Modern Republicanism also met with an angry response from conservatives, who interpreted Eisenhower's quest for moderation as a lost opportunity for a real challenge to New Deal liberalism, and even as a betrayal of core Republican principles.
Which media outlet, created under the Eisenhower administration, reasserted conservative ideas?
Who created it? When?
The reassertion of conservatism was liveliest at National Review, a magazine founded by William F. Buckley, Jr., in 1955.
What did Nash [The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945] have to say about conservative ideology in the post-war period?
Nash argued that, during the post-war period, conservatism pulled together three formerly independent intellectual and political currents: traditionalism, libertarianism, and anticommunism.
What can be said about the National Review? What word is used in both [Atlande] and [Farenheit]?
[Atlande] The Republicans
He emphasized in particular the contribution of William F. Buckley, Jr. and the National Review in creating a fusion that unified modem conservatism and placed it firmly in the Republican Party.
The reassertion of conservatism was liveliest at National Review, a magazine founded by William F. Buckley, Jr., in 1955, seeking to bring fresh intellectual vitality to the anti-liberal agenda, especially by encouraging common cause between economic conservatives (libertarian in emphasis) and social conservatives (traditionalist in outlook), within a "fusionist" project.
What was the main grievance people expressed over the policies Eisenhower pursued?
Many within the party shared this view. Toward the end of the Eisenhower years, one activist complained that "there is no major difference between the Republican and Democratic parties as of 1959,"
Who was then emerging as a potentially leading conservative figure?
On Capitol Hill, Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona was emerging as the leader of Republicans who agreed with him
He argued that the proposals of modern Republicanism resembled a...
He argued that the proposals of modern Republicanism resembled a "dime store New Deal."
What, according to aide Bryce Harlow, was the RP's fundamental problem at the time?
During Eisenhower's first year in office, aide Bryce Harlow had identified the Republican Party's fundamental problem as its association with a socioeconomic elite and its interests, a problem that explained its minority status. "Mainly this unpopularity," Harlow wrote, "stems from the belief of the average citizen that the Party doesn't give a tinker's dam [sic] about him and will sacrifice him on the altar of the almighty dollar."
What did Eisenhower's revitalization enterprise succeed in doing? Where did it fail?
According to contemporary political scientists who were conducting pioneering research on the relationship between public opinion and party identification, the image of the Republican Party improved significantly during the Eisenhower years; no longer was the party seen as a threat to the reform legacy of the New Deal.
The Eisenhower Administration was not equally successful, however, in dispelling the popular belief that the Republicans were the party of the great and the Democrats the party of the small," wrote the University of Michigan scholars, in analyzing change in public opinion during the first term. The party's association with an elite, by contrast with the Democrats' reputation as the party of ordinary Americans, thus persisted. As a result, the Democratic Party retained its popularity, and the Republican puzzle of minority status remained unsolved.
Did the breakthrough marked by Eisenhower's election prove to be long-lived?
After all, Republican dominance in Washington, with the breakthrough of 1952, had proved short-lived. Already in the 1954 midterm elections Republicans lost their congressional majorities to the Democrats, and Eisenhower's 1956 reelection victory failed to transform the party's larger fortunes.
What economic event brought a sharper decline in Republican representation? When?
Within the context of recession, the 1958 elections brought an even sharper decline in Republican representation. In 1960, while John E Kennedy beat Vice President Richard Nixon for the White House only narrowly, the party's weakness was evident on Capitol Hill, where Democrats heavily outnumbered Republicans.
Did the Republican position actually improve during the Eisenhower years?
According to Gallup, between 1952 and 1960, the Republican position in the two-party system actually weakened, despite Eisenhower's party-building efforts; the Democrats, not the Republicans, made gains. At the time of the Nixon-Kennedy election, 46 percent of Americans identified with the Democratic Party (as opposed to 42 percent in 1952) and 33 percent iden¬tified with the Republican Party (as opposed to 33 percent eight years earlier).
According to Eisenhower himself, what was the cause of this failure?
Eisenhower was sure that the party's shortcoming was its failure to follow his prescription of policy moderation and organizational revitalization. In early 1964, he observed that the party "has been slow - and possibly too complacent (=self-satisfied/lazy)- to recognize the value of and the need for adopting a doctrine of the center.