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AP LATIN PASSAGES: CAESAR

Terms in this set (18)

1.1
Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur. Hi omnes lingua, institutis, legibus inter se differunt. Gallos ab Aquitanis Garumna flumen, a Belgis Matrona et Sequana dividit. Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae, propterea quod a cultu atque humanitate provinciae longissime absunt, minimeque ad eos mercatores saepe commeant atque ea quae ad effeminandos animos pertinent important, proximique sunt Germanis, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt.
All Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which the Belgae inhabit, another the Aquitani, the third those why by our language are called the Celts, by outs Gauls. These all differ in language, customs, laws between themselves. The river Garumna
5.24
Subductis navibus concilioque Gallorum Samarobrivae peracto, quod eo anno frumentum in Gallia propter siccitates angustius provenerat, coactus est aliter ac superioribus annis exercitum in hibernis collocare legionesque in plures civitates distribuere. Ex quibus unam in Morinos ducendam Gaio Fabio legato dedit, alteram in Nervios Quinto Ciceroni, tertiam in Esubios Lucio Roscio; quartam in Remis cum Tito Labieno in confinio Treverorum hiemare iussit.
The ships having been beached and the council of the Gauls at Samorobiva having been completed, because in that year the grain had grown more scarcely in Gaul on account of droughts, he was forced to arrange the army in their winter quarters otherwise than in previous years and to assign the legions in many states. From these legions he gave one to Gaius Fabius to be led amoung the Morini, another to Quintus Cicero to be led among the Nervii, a third to Lucius Roscius to be led among the Esubii, a fourth he ordered to winter among the Remi with Titus Labienus on the common boundary of the Treveri.
5.24
Tres in Belgis collocavit: eis Marcum Crassum quaestorem et Lucium Munatium Plancum et Gaium Trebonium legatos praefecit. Unam legionem, quam proxime trans Padum conscripserat, et cohortes V in Eburones, quorum pars maxima est inter Mosam ac Rhenum, qui sub imperio Ambiorigis et Catuvolci erant, misit. Eis militibus Quintum Titurium Sabinum et Lucium Aurunculeium Cottam legatos praeesse iussit.
He positioned three among the Bellovaci: he put the quaester Marcus Crassus and the legates Lucius Munatius Plancus and Gaius Trebonius in command of these. He sent one legion, which he had recently enlisted across the Padus, and five cohorts among the Eburones, the greatest part of whom is between the Mosa and the Rhine, who were under the control of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. He commandedthe legates Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Licius Aurunculeius Cotta to be in command of these soldiers.
5.24
Ad hunc modum distributis legionibus facillime inopiae frumentariae sese mederi posse existimavit. Atque harum tamen omnium legionum hiberna praeter eam, quam Lucio Roscio in pacatissimam et quietissimam partem ducendam dederat, milibus passuum centum continebantur. Ipse interea, quoad legiones collocatas munitaque hiberna cognovisset, in Gallia morari constituit.
The legions having been assigned in this way he thought that he was able to remedy their need of grain most easily. And nevertheless the winter quarters of all these legions, except those which he gave to Lucius Roscius to be led into the most peaceful and quiet part, were being held within a hundred miles. He himself meanwhile, until he had learned that the legions were arranged and their winter quarters fortified, decided to delay in Gaul.
5.25
Erat in Carnutibus summo loco natus Tasgetius, cuius maiores in sua civitate regnum obtinuerant. Huic Caesar pro eius virtute atque in se benevolentia, quod in omnibus bellis singulari eius opera fuerat usus, maiorum locum restituerat. Tertium iam hunc annum regnantem inimici, multis palam ex civitate eius auctoribus, eum interfecerunt. Defertur ea res ad Caesarem.
Born of the highest rank among the Carnutes there was Tasgetius, whose ancestors had held the reign in their own state. For his virtue and kindness toward him, because he had made use of his remarkable service in all the wars, Caesar had restored the place of his ancestors to him. Now in the third year, many from the state openly instigators, his enemies killed this man ruling. This thing was reported to Caesar.
5.25
Ille veritus, quod ad plures pertinebat, ne civitas eorum impulsu deficeret, Lucium Plancum cum legione ex Belgio celeriter in Carnutes proficisci iubet ibique hiemare quorumque opera cognoverat Tasgetium interfectum, hos comprehensos ad se mittere. Interim ab omnibus legatis quaestoreque, quibus legiones tradiderat, certior factus est in hiberna perventum locumque hibernis esse munitum.
That man, fearing that the citizens would revolt because of the instigation of those men, because it was pertaining to a large number of people, commands Lucius Plancus to depart from Belgium quickly with a legion into the Carnutes and to winter there and to send to him those men having been arrested, by whose work he had learned that Tasgetius was killed. Meanwhile he was informed by all the legates and quaestors, to whom he had given over the legions, that it had been arrived in their winters quarters and the place had been fortified for the winter quarters.
5.26
Diebus circiter XV, quibus in hiberna ventum est, initium repentini tumultus ac defectionis ortum est ab Ambiorige et Catuvolco; qui, cum ad fines regni sui Sabino Cottaeque praesto fuissent frumentumque in hiberna comportavissent, Indutiomari Treveri nuntiis impulsi suos concitaverunt subitoque oppressis lignatoribus magna manu ad castra oppugnatum venerunt.
Around the fifteen days, during which it was arrived in the winter quarters, the beginning of a sudden uproar and revolt arose from Ambiorix and Catuvolcus, who, although they had met Sabinus and Cotta on the borders of their kingdom and had collected grain into the winter quarters, driven by the message of Indutiomarus the Treveran incited their own men and the wood-foragers having been oppressed suddenly came to the camp to attack with a large band of men.
5.26
Cum celeriter nostri arma cepissent vallumque adscendissent atque una ex parte Hispanis equitibus emissis equestri proelio superiores fuissent, desperata re hostes suos ab oppugnatione reduxerunt. Tum suo more conclamaverunt, uti aliqui ex nostris ad colloquium prodiret: habere sese, quae de re communi dicere vellent, quibus rebus controversias minui posse sperarent.
Since our men had taken up arms quickly and had climbed the wall and from one side the Spanish cavalry having been sent out had been superior in equestrian battle, the affair having been desperate the enemy led their own men back from the fighting. Then in their own custom called out, that someone from our men come forth to a parley: that they have things that they wish to say about a common issue, by means of which thing they were hoping that they would be able to settle the dispute.
5.27
Mittitur ad eos colloquendi causa Gaius Arpineius, eques Romanus, familiaris Quinti Tituri, et Quintus Iunius ex Hispania quidam, qui iam ante missu Caesaris ad Ambiorigem ventitare consuerat; apud quos Ambiorix ad hunc modum locutus est: Sese pro Caesaris in se beneficiis plurimum ei confiteri debere, quod eius opera stipendio liberatus esset, quod Aduatucis, finitimis suis, pendere consuesset, quodque ei et filius et fratris filius ab Caesare remissi essent, quos Aduatuci obsidum numero missos apud in servitute et catenis tenuissent; neque id, quod fecerit de oppugnatione castrorum, aut iudicio aut voluntate sua fecisse, sed coactu civitatis, suaque esse eiusmodi imperia, ut non minus haberet iuris in se multitudo quam ipse in multitudinem.
Gaius Arpineius, a Roman horseman, a close friend of Quintus Titurius, is sent to them for the sake of speaking, and Quintus Junius, a certain man from Spain, who was already accustomed previously by the sending of Caesar to go back and forth to Ambiorix; in the presence of whom Ambiorix spoke in this way: that he confessed that he owed very much to him on behalf of the benefits of Caesar toward him, because by his work he had been freed from tribute, which he had been accustomed to pay to the Aduatici, bordering his own people, and because both his son and his brother's son, whom having been sent among a number of hostages the Aduatici had held in their presence in servitude and chains, had been returned to him from Caesar; that he did this thing, which he did in regard to the attacking of the camp, not either by his own design or by his own wish, but by the compulsion of the state, and that his state was of such a sort that the multitude was having no less authority over him than he over the multitude.
5.27
Furthermore that this thing was the cause of war for the state, because it was not able to resist the hasty conspiracy of the Gauls. That he was able to prove this easily by his own weakness, because he was not ignorant of things to such an extent that he felt he was able to overcome the Roman people by his own troops. But that this was the common plan of Gaul: that this was the day declared for all the winter quarters of Caesar being attacked, so that not any legion might be able to come for aid for another legion.
Civitati porro hanc fuisse belli causam, quod repentinae Gallorum coniurationi resistere non potuerit. Id se facile ex humilitate sua probare posse, quod non adeo sit imperitus rerum ut suis copiis populum Romanum superari posse confidat. Sed esse Galliae commune consilium: omnibus hibernis Caesaris oppugnandis hunc esse dictum diem, ne qua legio alterae legioni subsidio venire posset.
5.27
Non facile Gallos Gallis negare potuisse, praesertim cum de recuperanda communi libertate consilium initum videretur. Quibus quoniam pro pietate satisfecerit, habere nunc se rationem offici pro beneficiis Caesaris: monere, orare Titurium pro hospitio, ut suae ac militum saluti consulat. Magnam manum Germanorum conductam Rhenum transisse; hanc adfore biduo.
That it was not easy that Gauls deny Gauls, especially when a plan about regaining the common freedom was seeming to have been formed. That, since he had done enough for loyalty by which things, he now had the consideration of the duty for Caesar's benefits: that he was warning, beseeching Titurius for friendship, that he take care of his own health and the health of his soldiers. That a great band of Germans having been hired had crossed the Rhine; that this would be at hand in two days.
5.27
Ipsorum esse consilium, velintne priusquam finitimi sentiant eductos ex hibernis milites aut ad Ciceronem aut ad Labienum deducere, quorum alter milia passuum circiter quinquaginta, alter paulo amplius ab eis absit. Illud se polliceri et iureiurando confirmare tutum iter per fines daturum. Quod cum faciat, et civitati sese consulere, quod hibernis levetur, et Caesari pro eius meritis gratiam referre. Hac oratione habita discedit Ambiorix.
That this was their plan, whether they wished to bring their soldiers having been led out from the winter camp sooner than the neighboring peoples noticed either to Cicero or to Labienus, of whom one was around fifty miles away from there, the other a little farther. That he promised this thing and established an oath that he would give a safe route through his territory. That, since he is doing this, he has both considered the interests of his state, because he is relieved of the winter camps, and carried back his gratitude to Caesar for his service. This speech having been delivered Ambiorix departs.
5.28
Arpineius et Iunius, quae audierunt, ad legatos deferunt. Illi repentina re perturbati, etsi ab hoste ea dicebantur, tamen non neglegenda existimabant maximeque hac re permovebantur, quod civitatem ignobilem atque humilem Eburonum sua sponte populo Romano bellum facere ausam vix erat credendum. Itaque ad consilium rem deferunt magnaque inter eos exsistit controversia.
Arpineus and Junius carried back to the legates those things which they had heard. Those men greatly disturbed by this sudden affair, although these things were being said from the enemy, were nevertheless thinking that it must not be disregarded and were most greatly moved by this thing: that it was hardly to be believed that the undistinguished and weak state of the Eburones dared to make war to the Roman people of their own accord. Therefore they brought this thing to a council and a great controversy arose among them.
5.28
Lucius Aurunculeius compluresque tribuni militum et primorum ordinum centuriones nihil temere agendum neque ex hibernis iniussu Caesaris discedendum existimabant: quantasvis [magnas] copias etiam Germanorum sustineri posse munitis hibernis docebant: rem esse testimonio, quod primum hostium impetum multis ultro vulneribus illatis fortissime sustinuerint: re frumentaria non premi; interea et ex proximis hibernis et a Caesare conventura subsidia: postremo quid esse levius aut turpius, quam auctore hoste de summis rebus capere consilium?
Lucius Aurunculeius and many of the military tribunes and centurions of the first rank were thinking that nothing must be done rashly and that it must not be departed from the winter camps without Caesar's order: they were pointing out that even however great the bands of Germans were able to be held back by means of the fortified camp: that the thing for proof was this: that they had bravely held back the first attack of the enemy, many wounds moreover having been inflicted; that they were not oppressed by the affair of grain; that meanwhile aid would come both from the nearby winter camps and from Caesar; lastly that what was more foolish or shameful than to take advice about the highest matters, the enemy being the author?
5.29
Contra ea Titurius sero facturos clamitabat, cum maiores manus hostium adiunctis Germanis convenissent aut cum aliquid calamitatis in proximis hibernis esset acceptum. Brevem consulendi esse occasionem. Caesarem arbitrari profectum in Italiam; neque aliter Carnutes interficiendi Tasgeti consilium fuisse capturos, neque Eburones, si ille adesset, tanta contemptione nostri ad castra venturos esse.
Opposite these things Titurius was shouting that they would act too late, when greater bands of enemies, the Germans having been added, had come or when something of misfortune had been received in the nearby winter camps. That the opportunity for making a plan was short. That he judged that Caesar had left for Italy, that neither would the Carnutes have taken up the plan for killing Tasgetius otherwise, nor would the Eburones, if that man was near, come to the camp with so great contempt for us.
5.29
Non hostem auctorem, sed rem spectare: subesse Rhenum; magno esse Germanis dolori Ariovisti mortem et superiores nostras victorias; ardere Galliam tot contumeliis acceptis sub populi Romani imperium redactam superiore gloria rei militaris exstincta. Postremo quis hoc sibi persuaderet, sine certa re Ambiorigem ad eiusmodi consilium descendisse?
That he did not regard the enemy the author, but this: that they were close to the Rhine, that the death of Ariovistus and our previous victories were for great pain for the Germans; that Gaul was inflamed, so many injuries having been received, having been driven under the authority of the Roman people, their previous glory of military matters having been extinguished. Lastly that who could persuade himself of this, that Ambiorix had resorted to a plan of such a sort without certain proof?
5.29
Suam sententiam in utramque partem esse tutam: si nihil esset durius, nullo cum periculo ad proximam legionem perventuros; si Gallia omnis cum Germanis consentiret, unam esse in celeritate positam salutem. Cottae quidem atque eorum, qui dissentirent, consilium quem habere exitum? In quo si non praesens periculum, at certe longinqua obsidione fames esset timenda.
That his own opinion on either side was secure: that if there was nothing too severe they would come to the closest legion with no danger: that if all Gaul sided with the Germans, their only safety was placed on quickness. That indeed the plan of Cotta and those who disagreed would have what result? In which case they must fear, if not the present danger, certainly at least hunger, because of the long siege.
5.30
Hac in utramque partem disputatione habita, cum a Cotta primisque ordinibus acriter resisteretur, "Vincite," inquit, "si ita vultis," Sabinus, et id clariore voce, ut magna pars militum exaudiret; "neque is sum," inquit, "qui gravissime ex vobis mortis periculo terrear: hi sapient; si gravius quid acciderit, abs te rationem reposcent, qui, si per te liceat, perendino die cum proximis hibernis coniuncti communem cum reliquis belli casum sustineant, non reiecti et relegati longe ab ceteris aut ferro aut fame intereant."
This argument having been had on each side, when he was fiercely resisted by Cotta and the first rank, Sabinus said, "Prevail, if you so wish," and he said this with a clearer voice, so that a great part of the soldiers might hear; "neither am I one from you all who is most gravely frightened by the danger of death: these men will understand; if anything graver happens, they will demand reasoning from you, they who, if it is permitted by you, having been joined with the nearest winter quarters on the day after tomorrow they would sustain the common chance of war with the rest of the soldiers; they who would not die, cast down and sent away far from the rest, either by the sword or starvation."
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