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Psych 142 - Final

Terms in this set (198)

secure attachments to parents promote mastery behaviors

authoritative parenting

HOME inventory
a measure of the amount and type of intellectual stimulation provided by a child's home environment

parents who stress independence training—doing things on one's own—and who warmly reinforce such selfreliant
behavior will contribute in a positive way to the growth of achievement motivation;

importance of collaborative learning, parents had carefully scaffolded their efforts, allowing them to successfully master challenges that would have been impossible without such gentle parental guidance, were
the ones who felt most comfortable and most motivated in achievement contexts one year

direct achievement training—setting high but attainable standards for children to meet and stressing the objective of doing things well—also fosters achievement motivation.
Children may need a helpful hint now and then (that is, a little parental scaffolding) to work to the best of their abilities and reach lofty objectives. Yet it is important for their child to believe that it was she who actually mastered the challenge, rather than the parent

the patterns of praise (or punishment) that accompany the child's accomplishments are also important. Children who seek challenges and display high levels of achievement motivation have parents who praise their successes and are not overly critical of an occasional failure;

by contrast, children who shy away from challenges and are low in achievement motivation have parents who are slow to acknowledge their successes (or who do so in a "matter-of-fact" way) and are inclined to criticize or punish their failures (Burhans & Dweck, 1995; Kelly, Brownell, & Campbell, 2000; Teeven & McGhee, 1972).

We see, then, that parents of youngsters high in
achievement motivation possess three characteristics:
(1) They are warm, accepting, and quick to praise the child's accomplishments;
(2) they provide noninvasive guidance
and control by setting reasonable standards for the child
to live up to and then monitoring her progress to ensure
that she does;
(3) they permit the child some independence
or autonomy, allowing her a say in deciding how best
to master challenges and meet their expectations. Diana
Baumrind (1973) calls this warm, firm, but democratic parenting an authoritative parenting style

let's also note that the parents have expectancies for
their children as well—expectancies that can affect their child's achievement cognitions and achievement behavior. How well parents expect a child to perform in a particular achievement domain (for example, mathematics) does depend in part on the child's earlier performances. So parents whose children do well in subjects such as math or English come to view their children as more competent in those domains and expect more of them than will parents whose children have performed poorly in these subjects

parents who perceive their child to be an academic star
are likely to provide the materials and opportunities to hone her intellectual skills, thereby fostering academic achievement.

what parents think about their child's talents (or lack
thereof ) strongly affect the child's self-perceptions, achievement motivation, and achievement
behavior, thus creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Between ages 3 and 4, most children develop a belief-desire theory of mind in which they recognize, as we adults do, that beliefs and desires are different mental states and
that either or both can influence one's conduct (Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001).

So a 4-year-old who has broken a vase while roughhousing may now try to overcome his mother's apparent desire to punish him by changing her mental state—that is, by
trying to make her believe that his breaking the vase was unintentional ("I didn't mean to, Mama—it was an accident!").

Origins of a Belief-Desire Theory of Mind Very young children may view desire as the most important determinant of behavior because their own actions
are so often triggered by desires and they may assume that other people's conduct reflects similar motives. In addition, 3 year-olds have a very curious view of beliefs,
thinking that they are accurate reflections of reality that everyone shares. They don't seem to appreciate, as older children and adults do, that beliefs are merely interpretations of reality that may differ from person to person and may be inaccurate.

Consider children's reactions to the following story—a false-belief task that assesses the understanding that people can hold incorrect beliefs and be influenced
by them, wrong though they may be: Sam puts some chocolate in a blue cupboard and goes out to play. In his absence, his mother moves the chocolate to the green cupboard. When Sam returns, he wants his chocolate. Where does he look for it?

4- to 5-year-olds display a belief-desire theory of mind: They now understand that beliefs are merely mental representations of reality that may be inaccurate and that someone else may not share; thus, they know that Sam will look for his chocolate in the blue cupboard where he believes it is (beliefs often influence behavior, even if they are false) rather than in the green cupboard where they know it is (Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001).

Once children understand that people will act on the basis of false beliefs, they may use this knowledge to their own advantage by lying or attempting other deceptive ploys
(Talwar, Gordon, & Lee, 2007). For example, 4-year olds (but not 3-year olds) who are playing hide-the-object games will spontaneously generate false clues, trying to mislead their opponent about the object's true location (Sodian et al., 1991). Notice that these 4-year-olds
are now making a clear distinction between public and private self, for they recognize that their deceptive public behavior (the false clues) may lead their opponent to adapt a belief that differs from their own private knowledge about the object's location.

This is the theory of mind that emerges between the ages 3 and 4, this is when the child now realizes that beliefs and desires are different mental states and that can determine behavior and that people will often act on their beliefs even if they are inaccurate. It emerges with social interaction.
· Some important influences are that it is the foundation for all later social-cognitive development. If children didn't have theory of mind then they would be incapable of drawing meaningful psychological inferences and their own behavior or others.
· Conversations with parents and other adults may contribute to an emerging theory of mind in two ways. they foster general language development and the better their performances.
· Belief desire theory is not universal at age 4 for all cultures. (farmers exp → pg 179..cultural influences)
mutually responsive orientation parent/child relationship
characterized by establishment of comfortable routines, harmonious patterns of communication, mutual responsiveness to each other's needs and goals, and shared positive affect.

Kochanska and her colleagues believe that
toddlers who enjoy such warm, responsive relationships will generally come to display committed compliance—an orientation in which they are (1) highly motivated to embrace the parent's agenda and to comply with her rules and requests, (2) sensitive to a parent's emotional signals indicating whether they have done right or wrong, and (3) beginning to internalize these parental reactions to their triumphs and transgressions, coming to experience
the pride, shame, and guilt that will help them to evaluate and regulate their own conduct

By contrast, aloof and impatient parents who rely more on power assertion to resolve conflicts and who have failed to establish a mutually responsive orientation with their toddlers are likely to promote situational compliance—
generally nonoppositional behavior that stems more from parents' power to control the child's conduct than from the child's eagerness to cooperate or comply.

✦ Develop easily flowing routines at meals, bed time, or play.
✦ Show harmonious patterns of communication as both parties become highly proficient
at reading each others' social signals and seem to truly enjoy the back and forth exchange
of information that promotes their sense of connectedness.
✦ Display a willingness and even an eagerness to cooperate with each other. Conflicts that
arise rarely escalate and are quickly resolved.
✦ Often express joy, mutual affection, and humor, while quickly dampening whatever
negative affect may arise.
Cultural Bias Although research indicates that children and adolescents in many cultures proceed through the first three or four of Kohlberg's stages in order, we have seen that postconventional morality as Kohlberg defines it simply does not exist in some societies.

Critics have charged that Kohlberg's highest stages reflect a Western ideal of justice and that his stage theory is therefore biased against people who live in non-Western collectivist societies or who otherwise do not value individualism and individual rights highly enough
to want to challenge society's rules (Mascolo & Li, 2004; Shweder, Mahapatra, & Miller, 1990). People in collectivist societies that emphasize social harmony and place the good of the group ahead of the good of the individual may be viewed as conventional moral thinkers in Kohlberg's system but may actually have very sophisticated concepts of fairness and justice (Li, 2002; Snarey & Keljo, 1991; Turiel, 2006), including a strong respect for
individual rights and such "democratic" principles as decision by majority rule (Helwig et al., 2003). Although there are some aspects of moral development that do seem to be common to all cultures, the research presented in Box 10.2 indicates that other aspects of
moral growth can vary considerably from society to society.

Cross-cultural studies suggest that postconventional
moral reasoning emerges primarily in Western democracies and that people in rural villages in many nonindustrialized countries show no signs of it (Harkness, Edwards, transactive interactions verbal exchanges in which individuals perform mental
operations on the reasoning of their discussion partners.

People in these homogeneous communities may
have less experience with the kinds of political conflicts and compromises that take place in a more diverse society and so may never have any need to question conventional moral standards. By adopting a contextual perspective on development, we can appreciate that the conventional (mostly Stage 3) reasoning typically displayed by adults in these societies— with its collectivist emphasis on cooperation and loyalty to the immediate social group—is
adaptive and mature within their own social systems

(Harkness, Edwards, & Super, 1981;
Turiel, 2006).
In sum, Kohlberg has described an invariant sequence of moral stages and has identified some of the cognitive factors and major environmental influences that determine how far an individual progresses in this sequence. Yet critics have offered many reasons for suspecting that Kohlberg's theory is far from a complete account of moral development.

Gender Bias Critics have also charged that Kohlberg's theory, which was developed from responses provided by male participants to dilemmas involving male characters, does not adequately represent female moral reasoning. Carol Gilligan (1977, 1982, 1993), for example,
has been disturbed by the fact that, in some early studies, women seemed to be the moral inferiors of men, typically reasoning at Kohlberg's Stage 3 while men usually reasoned at Stage 4. Her response was to argue that differential gender typing causes boys and girls to adopt different moral orientations. According to Gilligan, the strong independence and assertiveness training that boys receive encourages them to view moral dilemmas as
inevitable conflicts of interest between individuals that laws and other social conventions are designed to resolve. She calls this orientation the morality of justice—a perspective that approximates Stage 4 in Kohlberg's scheme. By contrast, girls are taught to be nurturant,
empathic, and concerned about others—in short, to define their sense of "goodness" in terms of their interpersonal relationships. So for females, morality implies a sense of
caring or compassionate concern for human welfare--a morality of care that may seem
Level 1: Preconventional Morality Rules are truly external rather than internalized.

The child conforms to rules imposed by authority figures to avoid punishment or obtain personal rewards. Morality is self-serving: What is right is what one can get away with or what is personally satisfying.

Stage 1: Punishment-and-Obedience Orientation The goodness or badness of an act depends on its consequences. The child will obey authorities to avoid punishment but may not consider an act wrong if it will not be detected and punished. The greater the harm done or the more severe the punishment is, the more "bad" the act is. The following two responses reflect a "punishment-and-obedience" orientation to the Heinz dilemma:

Stage 2: Naive Hedonism A person at this second stage conforms to rules in order to gain rewards or satisfy personal objectives. There is some concern for the perspective of others, but other-oriented behaviors are ultimately motivated by the hope of benefiting in
return. "You scratch my back and I'll scratch yours" is the guiding philosophy.

Level 2: Conventional Morality The individual now strives to obey rules and social norms in order to win others' approval or to maintain social order. Social praise and the
avoidance of blame have now replaced tangible rewards and punishments as motivators of ethical conduct. The perspectives of other people are clearly recognized and given careful consideration.

Stage 3: "Good Boy" or "Good Girl" Orientation Moral behavior is that which pleases, helps, or is approved of by others. Actions are evaluated on the basis of the actor's intent. "He means well" is a common expression of moral approval at this stage. As we see in the responses below, the primary objective of a Stage 3 respondent is to be thought of as a "good" person.

Stage 4: Social-Order-Maintaining Morality At this stage, the individual considers the perspectives of the generalized other—that is, the will of society as reflected in law. Now
what is right is what conforms to the rules of legal authority. The reason for conforming is not a fear of punishment, but a belief that rules and laws maintain a social order that is worth preserving. As we see in the following responses, laws ultimately transcend special
interests
Level 3: Postconventional (or Principled) Morality A person at this third level of moral reasoning now defines right and wrong in terms of broad principles of justice that
could conflict with written laws or with the dictates of authority figures. Morally right and legally proper are not always one and the same.

Stage 5: The Social-Contract Orientation At Stage 5, the individual now views laws as instruments for expressing the will of the majority and furthering human values. Laws that accomplish these ends and are impartially applied are viewed as social contracts that one has an obligation to follow; but imposed laws that compromise human rights or dignity are considered unjust and worthy of challenge. Notice how distinctions between what is legal and what is moral begin to appear in the following Stage 5 responses to Heinz's dilemma:
Television literacy refers to one's ability to understand how information is conveyed on the small screen. It involves the ability to process program content to construct a story line from characters' activities and the sequencing of scenes. It also involves an ability to interpret
the form of the message—production features such as zooms, fade-outs, split-screens, and sound effects that are often essential to understanding a program's content.

Prior to age 8 or 9, children are most captivated by visual production features on TV programming and may have difficultly inferring characters' motives and intentions or reconstructing a coherent story line. However, cognitive development and experience watching television leads to increases in television literacy during middle childhood and adolescence.
✦ Three lines of evidence—correlational surveys, laboratory experiments, and field experiments—converge on the conclusions that heavy exposure to televised violence can instigate aggressive behavior, cultivate aggressive habits and mean world beliefs, and desensitize viewers to instances of realworld
aggression. Taken together, this evidence supports the
social-learning viewpoint on the effects of televised violence and provides no support for the catharsis hypothesis.
✦ In addition to the potentially harmful impacts of televised violence, commercial TV programs also present negative stereotypes that influence viewers' beliefs about minority groups and gender issues, and children are easily manipulated by TV commercials that push products that parents are reluctant to purchase. What's more, excessive TV viewing restricts physical activity and contributes to obesity and related health problems.
✦ Three lines of evidence—correlational surveys, laboratory experiments, and field experiments—converge on the conclusions that heavy exposure to televised violence can instigate aggressive behavior, cultivate aggressive habits and mean world beliefs, and desensitize viewers to instances of realworld
aggression. Taken together, this evidence supports the
social-learning viewpoint on the effects of televised violence and provides no support for the catharsis hypothesis.

Second, the suggestion that parents help their young non-TV-literate viewers to evaluate
what they are watching is particularly important. One reason that younger children
are so responsive to aggressive models on TV is that they don't always interpret the violence
they see in the same way adults do, often missing subtleties such as an aggressor's
antisocial motives and intentions or the unpleasant consequences that perpetrators may
suffer as a result of their aggressive acts (Collins, Sobol, & Westby, 1981; Slaby et al.,
1995). What's more, young children's tendency to strongly identify with aggressive
heroes whose violence is socially reinforced makes them even more susceptible to the
instigating effects of TV violence—a fact that parents need to know (Huesmann et al.,
2003). When adults highlight the information children miss, while strongly disapproving
of a perpetrator's conduct, young viewers gain a much better understanding of media
violence and are less affected by what they have seen—particularly if the adult commentator
also suggests how these perpetrators (or violent heros) might have approached
their problems in a more constructive way (Collins, 1983; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988).
Unfortunately, this may be an underutilized strategy, for as Michele St. Peters and her
associates (1991) have noted, parent/child co-viewing at home most often occurs not
during action/adventure shows or other highly violent fare, but during the evening
news, sporting events, or prime-time dramas— programming that is not particularly
captivating for young children.
In sum, the effective school environment is a comfortable but businesslike setting in which academic successes are expected and students are motivated to learn. And in many
ways, effective teachers are like authoritative parents—caring and concerned but firm and controlling (Wentzel, 2002), and research consistently indicates that children and adolescents from many social backgrounds prefer authoritative instruction and are more likely
to thrive when treated this way than students taught by more authoritarian or more permissive instructors (Arnold, McWilliams, & Arnold, 1998; Lewin, Lippitt, & White,
1939; Wentzel, 2002).


The Scholastic Atmosphere of Successful Schools So what is it about the learning environment
of some schools that allows them to accomplish so much? Reviews of the literature
(Eccles & Roeser, 2005; National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2004; Rutter,
1983) point to the following values and practices that characterize effective schools:
✦ Academic emphases. Effective schools have a clear focus on academic goals. Children are
regularly assigned homework, which is checked, corrected, and discussed with them.
✦ Classroom management. In effective schools, teachers waste little time getting activities
started or dealing with distracting disciplinary problems. Lessons begin and end on
time. Pupils are told exactly what is expected of them and receive clear and unambiguous
feedback about their academic performance. The classroom atmosphere is comfortable;
all students are actively encouraged to work to the best of their abilities, and ample
praise acknowledges good work.
✦ Discipline. In effective schools, the staff is firm in enforcing rules and does so on the spot
rather than sending offenders off to the principal's office. Rarely do instructors resort to
physical sanctions (slapping or spanking), which contribute to truancy, defiance, and a
tense classroom atmosphere.
✦ Challenging and culturally relevant curricula. Effective schools made an effort to promote
students' interest, attention, effort, and attendance by providing at least some learning
materials that emphasize their culture and history as well as the developmental issues
they are currently facing. By contrast, content that does not challenge students, or that
they don't feel they can personally relate to, can undermine academic achievement and
alienate students from school (Eccles & Roeser, 2005; Jackson & Davis, 2000).
✦ Teamwork. Effective schools have faculties that work as a team, jointly planning curricular
objectives and monitoring student progress, under the guidance of a principal who
provides active, energetic leadership.