Terms in this set (81)

According to realism, states work only to increase their own power relative to that of other states. Realism also claims the following:

The world is a harsh and dangerous place. The only certainty in the world is power. A powerful state will always be able to outdo—and outlast—weaker competitors. The most important and reliable form of power is military power.
A state's primary interest is self-preservation. Therefore, the state must seek power and must always protect itself
There is no overarching power that can enforce global rules or punish bad behaviour.
Moral behaviour is very risky because it can undermine a state's ability to protect itself.
The international system itself drives states to use military force and to war. Leaders may be moral, but they must not let moral concerns guide foreign policy.
International organisations and law have no power or force; they exist only as long as states accept them.
Neither the United States nor China trusted one another, and each sought allies to protect itself and increase its political and military influence abroad.

- Statism
Sovereign state
Anarchy - no overarching authority above the individual collection of sovereign states
(not chaos and lawlessness, but lack of central authority)
Domestic politics can constrain and channel power - structured according to different levels of power and subordination
International politics is structurally different
- Survival:
State leaders prioritize the survival of their state
Power is crucial to the realist concept of state relations:
power traditionally defined narrowly in military strategic terms. Core national interest and modus operandi is survival
- Self-help:
Principle of action in an anarchical system of no global government - Lack of trust - If a state feels threatened it should seek to build up its own power capabilities
This leads to a 'Balance of power':
Cold War - balance of power in action - rational for the countries to arm themselves from threats of other countries
Liberalism emphasizes that the broad ties among states have both made it difficult to define national interest and decreased the usefulness of military power. Liberalism developed in the 1970s as some scholars began arguing that realism was outdated. Increasing globalization, the rapid rise in communications technology, and the increase in international trade meant that states could no longer rely on simple power politics to decide matters. Liberal approaches to international relations are also called theories of complex interdependence. Liberalism claims the following:

The world is a harsh and dangerous place, but the consequences of using military power often outweigh the benefits. International cooperation is therefore in the interest of every state.
Military power is not the only form of power. Economic and social power matter a great deal too. Exercising economic power has proven more effective than exercising military power.
Different states often have different primary interests.
International rules and organizations can help foster cooperation, trust, and prosperity.
Example: Relations among the major Western powers fit a model of complex interdependence very well. The United States has significant disagreements with its European and Asian allies over trade and policy, but it is hard to imagine a circumstance in which the United States would use military power against any of these allies. Instead, the United States relies on economic pressure and incentives to achieve its policy aims.
The goddess of democracy was a plaster statute, that was erected as a statement in Tiananmen Square by its student creators on May 29. It stood for five days, before it was destroyed by the People's Liberation Army forces on June 4. It was not the location or the statute itself that the CCP disagreed with, it was the concept and ideals that it represented. As an entity, it embodied the principles in which the student protests tried to address. The goddess held onto the torch with both hands, representing political freedom of expression and liberty as an ideal yet to be claimed by the people of China. It served as a symbol of the whole movement, a call for a change to a more democratic system. It reflected the ideals in which the west took for granted: liberty, freedom, and choice. From a cosmopolitan perspective the fact that replicas stand in some Western cities, such as the Victims of Communism memorial in Washington D.C., reflects the desire of the western nations to convert their system of world order upon nations such as China to have a multilateral shared moral agenda regarding things they believe to be essential human rights. However through a realist lense, the ideals in which the statute represented threatened the preservation of the state domestically and within the international structure. Prospects of letting morality govern, in a realist perspective, threatened to present a power vacuum, in both China's legitimacy in its presence in the autonomous regions of Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia.
Macao is former Portuguese colony located on the South Eastern coast of Guangdong province, China. It was handed back to People's Republic of China in 1999, and established as a special administrative region. The terms of this change in governance was established in 1987 under a binding inter-state treaty known as the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration. The terms of this retrocession agreement is in place until 2049, in which Macao is granted a high level of autonomy. This agreement was envisaged under a principle formulated by Deng Xiaoping, under a system known as 'one country, two systems'. This enables Macao to retain its economic systems that were established under colonial rule, while Mainland China retains its socialist system. Macao governance is responsible for its domestic affairs (sports, education, social welfare, judiciary, financial systems), but not its diplomatic relations and defence. Through a realist perspective control over aspects of international affairs would classify Macau as a separate state, which is contrary to the PRC's core policy of 'state sovereignty' and its traditionally collective, controlled, power orientated approach to foreign policy. This approach calls for Western respect of PRC's territories, so for China to continue to recognise international organisations and sovereignties. Through a exceptionalist lense, Macau - a region that has a shared culture, heritage and written language to parts of mainland China - as a territory leased to a European power and its reunification to the PRC as a SAR is unusual and thus exceptional in the world structure. As a result it traditionally does not need to conform to the status quo of western governance in the management of its diplomatic affairs. From another theoretical perspective 'One country, two systems' in practice is a clash of realism and liberalism. It is the clash of a classically realist China who's main goal is the protection of state sovereignty, and the liberal Macau who's goals are reflective of an economically free lasseiz-faire market established by a European colonial power.
Hong Kong is former British colony located on the southern coast of China, bordering the South China Sea. It was handed back to People's Republic of China in 1997, and established as a special administrative region. The terms of this change in governance was established in 1984 under a binding inter-state treaty known as the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The terms of this retrocession agreement is in place until 2047, in which Hong Kong is granted a high level of autonomy. This agreement was envisaged under a principle formulated by Deng Xiaoping, under a system known as 'one country, two systems'. This enables hong Kong to retain its economic systems that were established under colonial rule, while Mainland China retains its socialist system. Hong Kong governance is responsible for its domestic affairs (sports, education, social welfare, judiciary, financial systems) including the retention of its common law system, but not its diplomatic relations and regional defence. Through a realist perspective control over aspects of international affairs would classify Hong Kong as a separate state, which is contrary to the PRC's core policy of 'state sovereignty' and its traditionally collective, controlled, power orientated approach to foreign policy. This approach calls for Western respect of PRC's territories, so for China to continue to recognise international organisations and sovereignties. Through a exceptionalist lense, Hong Kong - a region that has a shared culture, heritage and written language to parts of mainland China - as a territory leased to a European power and its reunification to the PRC as a SAR is unusual and thus exceptional in the world structure. As a result it traditionally does not need to conform to the status quo of western governance in the management of its diplomatic affairs. From another theoretical perspective 'One country, two systems' in practice is a clash of realism and liberalism. It is the clash of a classically realist China who's main goal is the protection of state sovereignty, and the liberal Hong Kong who's goals are reflective of an economically free lasseiz-faire market established by a European colonial power.
Tiananmen Square is the site in Beijing of student protests in 1989. By April 1989 China was experiencing skyrocketing inflation, rising urban unemployment, lagging political reform, and official corruption especially at the local level - led to discontent amongst citizens especially young people.
By May hunger strikes occurred amongst students. Zhao Ziyang, the 3rd Premier of the PRC, favoured a more communitarian approach focusing more on dialogue. However the removal of Zhao, after his criticisms of the party's approach to dealing with the matter, only paved way for harsher regime response & intensified student demands. PLA troops dispatched June 1-4 to clear square of protestors Demonstrators worked to block PLA advancement, fighting breaks out in square as square cleared by June 4. PLA opens fire on crowd - unknown how many casualties resulted from this.
However through a realist lense the ideals presented, threatened the preservation of the state domestically and within the international structure through assertion of power. Prospects of letting morality govern, in a realist perspective, threatened to present a power vacuum, in both China's legitimacy in its presence in the autonomous regions of Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia, and in international organisations in respect to its justification of a realist approach to the discontent within China. In a liberalist approach, China's actions were largely condemned internationally and economic sanctions & arms embargoes were placed upon the country. This presented a clash of realist and liberal agenda in the international structure.
ASEAN stands for the association of south east-asian nations. It comprises of Thailand, Burma, Malaysia, Laos, Indonesia, Cambodia, Vietnam, Brunei, Singapore and the Philippines. It was founded in 1967 partly as response to concerns regarding socialist expansion, mainly from China. However in the 21st century the threat of China to the ASEAN nations is mostly more benign, with the development of China's 'Peaceful Rise' in relation to foreign policy. The ASEAN regional forum provides China (one of 27 members) with a forum for an official formal multilateral discussion regarding issues in the Asia-Pacific region. ASEAN is regarded as an example of China's peripheral diplomacy producing tangible economic and diplomatic results. However tensions between various ASEAN nations and China has emerged in recent years surrounding the claim to the South China Sea. A Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, were both signed by China and ASEAN to cool down tensions that arised in this region particularly regarding the Spratley and Paracel Islands. From a liberal perspective, cooperation with ASEAN and the terms set in these treaties enable China to continue with its agenda of a 'peaceful rise' in the global political system through the fostering greater co-operation and trust of SE Asian trading partners. However from a Realist perspective, these agreements only exist as long as China recognises the need for co-operation with ASEAN, as China's primary foreign policy goal is the preservation of 'state sovereignty', including that of disputed territories and regions.
The six party is a multilateral framework in nuclear disarmament involving the DPRK, China, Russia, Japan, USA and South Korea. The rounds of talks were in response to NK's withdrawal from the nuclear non-proliferation treaty in 2003. There were 5 rounds of talks between 2003-7, however the DPRK Conducted nuclear launches in 2006 without talking with the other countries. As a result the UN Security Council passed resolution 1718 - one of the few sanctions China imposed upon DPRK. This inflicted a series of political and economic restrictions. The extent of the threat of attack from nuclear weapons from DPRK is relatively underestimated, however from a realist perspective China is fully aware that the DPRK does not necessarily need to accept the terms on international agreements. The assertion of its military power/ capabilities by testing a missile, reflects a lack of trust between the DPRK and the West. China acts almost as an intermediary between its traditionally ideological ally in DPRK and its new trading partners in the West. A purely liberal approach in which the west enforces via sanctions is not sufficient, in a country that refuses to accept the terms agreed upon drawn up in an international system. This is illustrated by the DPRK's permanent withdrawal in 2009 out from the six party talks to continue its nuclear enrichment programme. From a realist lense, China is well aware of the precariousness of the DPRK's survival as a state with legitimacy in the world system and the agitation of its precarious economic system could create domestic toil with a flood of refugees in NE China. This would significantly affect the political and economic markets of the region, and have far reaching implications on the global economy. From a constructivist view despite the DPRK withdrawing, perhaps a shared belief in that the use of nuclear weapons on others is so horrific is at play - something experienced in the cold war balance of power.
'One country, two systems' is a principle formulated by Deng Xiaoping, that was established to oversea the transfer of the colonial territories of Macao and Hong Kong. This enables the regions to retain their respective economic systems stablished under colonial rule, while Mainland China retains its socialist system. The territories governance is responsible for its domestic affairs (sports, education, social welfare, judiciary, financial systems), but not its diplomatic relations and defence. Through a realist perspective control over aspects of international affairs would classify the territories as a separate state, which is contrary to the PRC's core policy of 'state sovereignty' and its traditionally collective, controlled, power orientated approach to foreign policy. This approach calls for Western respect of PRC's territories, so for China to continue to recognise international organisations and sovereignties. Through a exceptionalist lense, the territories - regions that has a shared culture, heritage and written language to parts of mainland China - as regions leased to a European power and its reunification to the PRC as a SAR is unusual and thus exceptional in the world structure. As a result it traditionally does not need to conform to the status quo of western governance in the management of its diplomatic affairs. From another theoretical perspective 'One country, two systems' in practice is a clash of realism and liberalism. It is the clash of a classically realist China who's main goal is the protection of state sovereignty, and the liberal territories of Hong Kong & Macao who's goals are reflective of an economically free lasseiz-faire market established by a European colonial power. This system of governance has also been proposed in respect to possible reunification with Taiwan, however the government of ROC has refused this proposal.
The 1972 Shanghai Communique marked the beginning of the formal re-establishment of relations between the US and China. During this conference a document was signed acknowledging the 'One China Policy', in which forced those wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC to loosen diplomatic relations with the ROC. In this the PRC is recognised as the legitimate ruler of China. This change in relations could be seen as a shift away from atypical approaches of the US at the time in cold-war containment policies. Typically the US would not establish relations with communist nations as a part of this policy, from a realist perspective this agreement signified a recognition of sovereignty in the international structure for the PRC and enabled the PRC to build up its own power capabilities within the international hierarchy. This was not only significant for the PRC and USA, but also Taiwan. This recognition was significant for Taiwan as the USA previously refused to recognise, as part of their cold-war containment policy, the PRC as legitimate representative of China in international affairs as seen in the USA's opposition to China being granted a set on the UN security council in 1971. From a realist perspective, the waning of US influence in world order saw a need for the US to ensure its security in the changing international system in agreeing a balance of power arrangement, especially in relation to China who bordered the USSR. On the other hand from a liberal perspective the the attempt to normalisation of relations between the two, can be seen in their agreement not to 'seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region'. In this, the agreement could be seen more as a move for the US to seek stronger relations in the region in establishing the basis for growth in economic interdependence between the two nations.
Multilateralism is multiple countries working together on a certain issue. In previous years, from a realist stand point, China's primary tool of asserting power in the region and the world was participating in armed conflict to assert its sovereignty i.e. Korean War, incursions in Tibet, the Taiwan Straits conflicts. However in recent years, in more liberal approach the PRC has sought to multilateral institutions to expand and consolidate its power not only regionally but also globally. Multilateralism has become an essential part of China's international policy, with Beijing demonstrating much pragmatism in its attitude toward global multilateral institutions. From a liberal perspective
multilateral diplomacy has become a powerful instrument for coping with unipolarity and opposing hegemony — that is, pushing back against the predominant role of the US in global affairs. New concepts and ideas that China has put forth are often designed to undermine the moral ground of US unilateralism or bilateral arrangements. For Beijing, multilateralism will also help to facilitate the formation of a multi-polar world in which China is expected to play a more eminent role, together with other major powers.
Secondly, Beijing believes that its participation in multilateralism could help diminish the 'China threat' thesis and build a 'responsible power' image for China.
Thirdly, China believes that multilateral diplomacy can provide new platforms for international cooperation, especially in the East Asian region, to facilitate Chinese interests.
The treaty was signed in Beijing in 1961 and came into effect on September 10 of the same year. Premier of the People's Republic of China Zhou Enlai and President of North Korea Kim Il-sung signed for their respective countries. The treaty generally promoted peaceful cooperation in the areas of culture, economics, technology and other social benefits between the two nations. Specifically, Article 2 of the treaty declares the two nations guarantee to adopt immediately all necessary measures to oppose any country or coalition of countries that might attack either nation. The treaty is in effect and automatically renews every 20 years. It has renewed in 1981 and 2001. The most recent renewal will remain in effect until the year 2021.
From a realist perspective, this treaty is significant for not only the two signatories but also current enmities of the two nations. In this agreement both China and particularly the DPRK at the time sought allies to build up power capabilities, in the name of state self-preservation. In the modern era this leaves the DPRK in a balance of power state in the international system. The threat of China's involvement is enough for other nations to be hesitant in attacking the DPRK in direct conflict. However in a essentially more open society, the treaty is less for the protection militarily and politically for China but more economically. From a liberal perspective the treaty serves now more as a preservation of the DPRK, against collapsing all together from military and political threats. A collapse of the DPRK would leave China economically strained and politically challenged from the amount of refugees that would flee over its borders in a state of war, so essentially the treaty gives China legal legitimacy and a assurance from an economic/ logistic disaster.
The Spratly Islands are a disputed group of islands in the South China Sea. In addition to various territorial claims, some of the features have civilian settlements, but of the approximately 45 islands, reefs, cays and other features that are occupied, all contain structures which are occupied by military forces (from the People's Republic of China, the Republic of China (Taiwan), Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia). Additionally, Brunei has claimed (but does not occupy) an exclusive economic zone in the southeastern part of the Spratlys.
From a realist perspective such small and remote islands have little economic value in themselves, but are important to the claimants in their attempts to establish international boundaries. This is significant to China in primary interest in that preservation of what it sees as state, according to historical maps signifying it mades claims to the islands in the 12th century. Exerting a military presence through the construction of bases in the region affirms this expansion of China's power and builds up power & legitimacy as a potential threat to its surrounding neighbours. The islands represent on a micro-scale, a balance of power currently in play in the Asia-Pacific region between the nations bordering the PRC. The relatively small number in actual military encounters, shows from a realist perspective a method of self-help in China's interest to serve state sovereignty when a central authority governing these nations fails to bring little change.
From a liberal perspective the islands offer China a way in which to build up more power and influence in the Asia-Pacific region by controlling the waters of the the South China Sea. Not only is there potentially revenue gathering from supposed oil and gas reserves
Taiwan, officially the Republic of China is a sovereign state in East Asia.
The Republic of China (ROC) was established in China in 1912. After Japan's surrender in 1945, the ROC assumed its control of Taiwan. Following the Chinese civil war, the Communist Party of China took full control of mainland China and founded the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. The ROC relocated its government to Taiwan, and its jurisdiction became limited to Taiwan and its surrounding islands. Despite this, the ROC continued to represent China at the United Nations until 1971.
International recognition of the ROC has gradually eroded as most countries switched recognition to the PRC. 21 UN member states and the Holy See currently maintain official diplomatic relations with the ROC. It has unofficial ties with most other states via its representative offices.
Ongoing issues of Cross-Strait relations as well as political status of Taiwan are major factors of contention in Taiwanese politics and a cause of social and political division among political parties and their respective supporters within the country. Constitutionally, there is dispute over whether the ROC still lays claim to the sovereignty over all of "China," but the ROC has not made retaking mainland China a political goal since 1992. However, the government's stance on defining its political position of relation with China largely depends on which political coalition is in charge. The PRC has threatened the use of military force as a response to any formal declaration of Taiwanese independence, or if it deems peaceful reunification no longer possible.
The Senkaku Islands dispute concerns a territorial dispute over a group of uninhabited islands known as the Senkaku Islands in Japan, the Diaoyu in the People's Republic of China (PRC), and Tiaoyutai Islands in the Republic of China (ROC or Taiwan). Aside from a 1945 to 1972 period of administration by the United States as part of the Ryukyu Islands, the archipelago has been controlled by Japan since 1895. According to Lee Seokwoo, the People's Republic of China (PRC) started taking up the question of sovereignty over the islands in the latter half of 1970 when evidence relating to the existence of oil reserves surfaced. Taiwan also claims the islands. The territory is close to key shipping lanes and rich fishing grounds, and there may be oil reserves in the area.
Japan argues that it surveyed the islands in the late 19th century and found them to be Terra nullius (land belonging to no one); subsequently, China acquiesced to Japanese sovereignty until the 1970s. The PRC and the ROC argue that documentary evidence prior to the First Sino-Japanese War indicates Chinese possession and that the territory is accordingly a Japanese seizure that should be returned as the rest of Imperial Japan's conquests were returned in 1945.
Although the United States does not have an official position on the merits of the competing sovereignty claims, the islands are included within the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan, meaning that a defense of the islands by Japan would require the United States to come to Japan's aid.
The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, are a set of principles to govern relations between states. Their first formal codification in treaty form was in an agreement between China and India in 1954. They were enunciated in the preamble to the "Agreement (with exchange of notes) on trade and intercourse between Tibet Region of China and India", which was signed at Peking on 29 April 1954. This agreement stated the five principles as:
Mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty.
Mutual non-aggression.
Mutual non-interference in each other's internal affairs.
Equality and cooperation for mutual benefit.
Peaceful co-existence.

The history of the first major enunciation of the Five Principles is not wholly encouraging. China has often emphasized its close association with the Five Principles. It had put them forward, as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, at the start of negotiations that took place in Delhi from December 1953 to April 1954 between the Delegation of the PRC Government and the Delegation of the Indian Government on the relations between the two countries with respect to the disputed territories of Aksai and South Tibet. The 29 April 1954 agreement mentioned above was set to last for eight years. When it lapsed, relations were already souring, the provision for renewal of the agreement was not taken up, and the Sino-Indian War broke out between the two sides. However, in the 1970s, the Five Principles again came to be seen as important in Sino-Indian relations, and more generally as norms of relations between states. They have become widely recognized and accepted throughout the region.
Hu Yaobang was a high-ranking official of the People's Republic of China. He achieved his most senior status within the Communist Party of China from 1981 to 1987, first as Party chairman from 1981 to 1982, then as General Secretary of the Communist Party from 1982 to 1987. Hu joined the Chinese Communist Party in the 1930s, and rose to prominence as a comrade of Deng Xiaoping. During the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), Hu was purged, recalled, and purged again, following the political career of Deng.
After Deng rose to power, following the death of Mao Zedong, Deng promoted Hu to a series of high political positions. Throughout the 1980s Hu pursued a series of economic and political reforms under the direction of Deng. Hu's political and economic reforms made him the enemy of several powerful Party elders, who opposed free market reforms and attempts to make China's government more transparent. When widespread student protests occurred across China in 1987, Hu's political opponents successfully blamed Hu for the disruptions, claiming that Hu's "laxness" and "bourgeois liberalization" had either led to, or worsened, the protests. Hu was forced to resign as Party general secretary, but was allowed to retain a seat in the Politburo.
Hu's position as Party general secretary was taken by Zhao Ziyang, who continued many of Hu's economic and political reforms. A day after Hu's death, in 1989, a small-scale demonstration commemorated him and demanded that the government reassess his legacy. A week later, the day before Hu's funeral, some 100,000 students marched on Tiananmen Square, leading to the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.
Hu Jintao was the president of the PRC from 2003-13.
Hu has participated in the Communist party bureaucracy for most of his career, notably as Party secretary for Guizhou province and the Tibet Autonomous Region, and then later First secretary of the Central Secretariat and Vice-President under former leader Jiang Zemin. Hu is the first leader of the Communist Party without any significant revolutionary credentials. As such, his rise to the leadership represented China's transition of leadership from establishment communists to younger, more pragmatic technocrats.
During his term in office, Hu reintroduced state control in some sectors of the economy that were relaxed by the previous administration, and has been conservative with political reforms. Along with his colleague, Premier Wen Jiabao, Hu presided over nearly a decade of consistent economic growth and development that cemented China as a major world power. He sought to improve socio-economic equality domestically through the Scientific Development Concept, which aimed to build a "Harmonious Socialist Society" that was prosperous and free of social conflict. Meanwhile, Hu followed conservative policies on China politically, cracking down on social disturbances, ethnic minority protests, and dissident figures. On foreign policy, Hu advocated for "China's peaceful development", pursuing soft power in international relations and a corporate approach to diplomacy. Through Hu's tenure, China's influence in Africa, Latin America, and other developing regions has increased.
Hu possessed a low-key and reserved leadership style. His tenure was characterized by collective leadership and consensus-based rule.These traits made Hu a rather unknown figure in the public eye, embodying the focus in Chinese politics on technocratic competence rather than persona.
Xi Jinping the President of the People's Republic of China. As General Secretary, Xi is also an ex officio member of the Politburo Standing Committee, China's de facto top decision-making body.
Son of communist veteran Xi Zhongxun, Xi Jinping rose through the ranks politically in China's coastal provinces. He served as the Governor of Fujian between 1999 and 2002, then as Governor and Party Secretary of the neighboring Zhejiang between 2002 and 2007. Following the dismissal of Chen Liangyu, Xi was transferred to Shanghai as the Party Secretary for a brief period in 2007. Xi joined the Politburo Standing Committee and Central Secretariat in October 2007 and was groomed to become Hu Jintao's successor. He served as Vice-President between 2008 and 2013.
Xi is now the leader of the People's Republic's fifth generation of leadership. Since assuming leadership, he has initiated an unprecedented and far-reaching campaign against corruption, called for further market economic reforms, governing according to the law and strengthening legal institutions, and an emphasis on individual and national aspirations under the neologism "Chinese Dream".
Xi has also imposed further restrictions over ideological discourse, attempted to further entrench and legitimize the authority of the Communist Party over Chinese society, while also introducing far-ranging measures to enforce party discipline and ensure internal unity. He has significantly centralized institutional power through taking on a wide range of leadership positions himself, including chairing the newly formed National Security Commission, as well as new steering committees on overall reform, military reform, and the internet. Xi has also championed a more assertive foreign policy, particularly in relation to Sino-Japanese relations, disputes in the South China Sea, involvement in Asian regional affairs, and initiatives related to energy and natural resources.
Chiang Kai-shek was a Chinese political and military leader who served as the leader of the Republic of China between 1928 and 1975. Chiang was an influential member of the Kuomintang (KMT), the Chinese Nationalist Party, and was a close ally of Sun Yat-sen. He took Sun's place as leader of the KMT when Sun died in 1925. In 1926, Chiang led the Northern Expedition to unify the country, becoming China's nominal leader. He served as Chairman of the National Military Council of the Nationalist government of the Republic of China (ROC) from 1928 to 1948. Chiang led China in WWII, consolidating power from the party's former regional warlords. Unlike Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek was socially conservative, promoting traditional Chinese culture in the New Life Movement and rejecting western democracy and the nationalist democratic socialism that Sun embraced in favour of an authoritarian government.
Chiang's predecessor, Sun Yat-sen, was well-liked and respected by the Communists, but after Sun's death Chiang was not able to maintain good relations with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). A major split between the Nationalists and Communists occurred in 1927; and, under Chiang's leadership, the Nationalists fought a nation-wide civil war against the Communists. After Japan invaded China in 1937, Chiang agreed to a temporary truce with the CCP. Despite some early cooperative military successes against Japan, by the time that the Japanese surrendered in 1945 neither the CCP nor the KMT trusted each other nor were actively cooperating.
After American-sponsored attempts to negotiate a coalition government failed in 1946, the Chinese Civil War resumed. The CCP defeated the Nationalists in 1949. Westad says the Communists won the Civil War because they made fewer military mistakes than Chiang Kai-Shek, and because in his search for a powerful centralized government, Chiang antagonized too many interest groups in China. Furthermore, his party was weakened in the war against Japan. Meanwhile the Communists told different groups, such as peasants, exactly what they wanted to hear, and cloaked themselves in the cover of Chinese Nationalism.
Chiang's government and army retreated to Taiwan, where Chiang imposed martial law and persecuted people critical of his rule in a period known as the "White Terror". After evacuating to Taiwan, Chiang's government continued to declare its intention to retake mainland China. Chiang ruled the island securely as President of the Republic of China and General of the Kuomintang until his death in 1975. He ruled mainland China for 22 years, and Taiwan for 30 years.
The First Opium War (1839-42), was fought between Britain and China over their conflicting viewpoints on diplomatic relations, trade, and the administration of justice for foreign nationals.
In the 17th and 18th centuries, the demand for Chinese goods (particularly silk, porcelain, and tea) in the European market created a trade imbalance because the market for Western goods in China was virtually non-existent; China was largely self-sufficient and Europeans were not allowed access to China's interior. European silver flowed into China when the Canton System, instituted in the mid-17th century, confined the sea trade to Canton and to the Chinese merchants of Thirteen Hongs. The British East India Company (E.I.C.) had a matching monopoly of British trade. E.I.C. began to auction opium grown on its plantations in India to independent foreign traders in exchange for silver. The opium was then transported to the China coast and sold to Chinese middlemen who retailed the drug inside China. This reverse flow of silver and the increasing numbers of opium addicts alarmed Chinese officials.
In 1839, the Daoguang emperor, rejecting proposals to legalize and tax opium, appointed Lin Zexu to solve the problem by abolishing the trade. Lin confiscated around 20,000 chests of opium without offering compensation, blockaded trade, and confined foreign merchants to their quarters. The British government, although not officially denying China's right to control imports of the drug, objected to this arbitrary seizure and used its naval and gunnery power to inflict quick and decisive defeat.
In 1842, the Treaty of Nanking—the first of what the Chinese later called the unequal treaties—granted an indemnity and extraterritoriality to Britain, the opening of five treaty ports, and the cession of Hong Kong Island. The failure of the treaty to satisfy British goals of improved trade and diplomatic relations led to the Second Opium War (1856-60). The war is now considered in China as the beginning of modern Chinese history.
Deng Xiaoping was a Chinese revolutionary and statesman. He was the leader of China from 1978 until his retirement in 1992. After Mao Zedong's death, Deng led his country through far-reaching market economic reforms. While Deng never held office as the head of state he nonetheless was considered the "paramount leader" of the People's Republic of China from December 1978 to 1992. As the core of the second-generation leaders, Deng shared his power with several powerful older politicians commonly known as the Eight Elders.
Deng was a major supporter of Mao in the early 1950s. As the party's Secretary-General, Deng became instrumental in China's economic reconstruction following the Great Leap Forward in the early 1960s. His economic policies, however, were at odds with Mao's political ideologies.
Inheriting a country fraught with social and institutional woes resulting from the Cultural Revolution and other mass political movements of the Mao era, Deng became the pre-eminent figure of the "second generation" of Chinese leadership. He is considered "the architect" of a new brand of socialist thinking, combining the Communist Party's socialist ideology with a pragmatic adoption of market economic practices. Deng opened China to foreign investment, the global market and limited private competition. He is generally credited with developing China into one of the fastest-growing economies in the world for over 35 years and raising the standard of living of hundreds of millions of Chinese.
The Kuomintang of China is a political party in the Republic of China (ROC). It is the current ruling political party in Taiwan. The name is often translated as the Chinese Nationalist Party.
The KMT was founded by Sun Yat-sen shortly after the Xinhai Revolution of 1911. Sun was the provisional president but he did not have military power and ceded the first presidency to the military leader Yuan Shikai. After Yuan's death, China was divided by warlords, while the KMT was able to control only part of the south. Later led by Chiang Kai-shek, the KMT formed the National Revolutionary Army and succeeded in its Northern Expedition to unify much of China in 1928. It was the ruling party of China from 1928 until its retreat to Taiwan in 1949 after being defeated by the Communist Party of China (CPC) during the Chinese Civil War. In Taiwan, the KMT continued as the single ruling party until reforms in the late 1970s through the 1990s loosened its grip on power. Since 1987, the Republic of China is no longer a single-party state; however, the KMT remains one of the main political parties, controlling the Legislative Yuan (Parliament) and most of the councils.
The guiding ideology is the Three Principles of the People, advocated by Sun Yat-sen. Its party headquarters are located in Taipei. It is currently the ruling party in Taiwan, and holds most seats in the Legislative Yuan. The KMT is a member of the International Democrat Union. Current president Ma Ying-jeou, elected in 2008 and re-elected in 2012, is the seventh KMT member to hold the office of the presidency.
Together with the People First Party and Chinese New Party, the KMT forms what is known as the Taiwanese Pan-Blue Coalition, which supports eventual unification with the mainland. However, the KMT has been forced to moderate its stance by advocating the political and legal status quo of modern Taiwan. The KMT accepts a "One China Principle" - it officially considers that there is only one China, but that the Republic of China rather than the People's Republic of China is its legitimate government under the 1992 Consensus. However, since 2008, in order to ease tensions with the PRC, the KMT endorses the "three noes" policy as defined by Ma Ying-jeou - no unification, no independence and no use of force.
As a result of the successful economic reconstruction that had taken place in the early 1950s under the First Five Year Plan, the Party leadership headed by Mao Zedong considered the conditions ripe for a Great Leap Forward in early 1958. The Great Leap was not merely a bold economic project. It was also intended to show the Soviet Union that the Chinese approach to economic development was more vibrant, and ultimately would be more successful, than the Soviet model that had been followed studiously until then. The Chinese people were to go all out in a concerted effort to surpass England in 15 (or even less) years and to make the transition from socialism to communism at the same time, thereby leaving the Soviet Union far behind. That, at least, was the plan, which brought to an abrupt stop the earlier, more cautious attempts to sustain the speed of China's recovery and further development by Five Year Plans. The more radical members of the leadership tried to outdo each other with more and more unrealistic calls for "greater, faster, better, [and] cheaper" production.The Great Leap Forward took two forms: a mass steel campaign, and the formation of the people's communes. By early 1959, it became clear that things were running out of hand. As a result of the massive production drives in steel and agriculture, both the production and transport sectors had become severely dislocated. The movement turned into a disaster when in the period 1959-1961 China was struck by natural disasters. More than an estimated 30 to 40 million people died in the ensuing famine.
The century of humiliation, refers to the period of intervention and imperialism by Western powers and Japan in China between 1839 and 1949.
The term arose in 1915, in the atmosphere of rising Chinese nationalism opposing the Twenty-One Demands made by the Japanese government and its acceptance by Yuan Shikai, with the Guomindang and Chinese Communist Party both subsequently popularizing the characterization.
The beginning of the Century of Humiliation is usually dated to the mid-19th century, on the eve of the First Opium War amidst widespread opium addiction and the political unraveling of Qing dynasty China that followed.
Other major events often cited as part of the Century of Humiliation are the Taiping Rebellion, the First Sino-Japanese War, the British invasion of Tibet, the Twenty-One Demands by Japan, and the Second Sino-Japanese War. In this period, China lost all the wars it fought, often forced to give major concessions to the great powers in the subsequent treaties.
The time for an end of the Century has been open to different interpretations. Both Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong declared the end of the Century of Humiliation in the aftermath of World War II, with Chiang promoting his wartime resistance to Japanese rule and China's place among the victorious Allies in 1945, while Mao declared it with the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. The idea of an end of the Century was similarly declared in the repulsion of UN forces in the Korean War, the 1997 reunification with Hong Kong, the 1999 reunification with Macau, and even the hosting of the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing. Some still say that the Century will not end until Taiwan is reunified with the mainland.
Some analysts have pointed to its use in deflecting foreign criticism of human rights abuses in China and domestic attention from issues of corruption, while bolstering its territorial claims and general economic and political rise.
North Korea (DPRK), is a country in East Asia, in the northern part of the Korean Peninsula. The capital and largest city is Pyongyang. North Korea shares a land border with China to the north and north-west.The legitimacy of this border is not accepted by either side, as both states claim to be the legitimate government of the entire peninsula.
The Empire of Japan annexed Korea in 1910. After the Japanese surrender at the end of World War II in 1945, Korea was divided into two zones by the United States and Soviet Union, with the north occupied by the Soviets and the south by the Americans. Negotiations on reunification failed, and in 1948 two separate governments were formed: the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the north, and the Republic of Korea in the south. The conflicting claims of sovereignty led to the Korean War in 1950. The Korean Armistice Agreement in 1953 led to a ceasefire, but no peace treaty was ever signed. Both states were accepted into the United Nations in 1991.
The DPRK holds elections and describes itself as a self-reliant socialist state, but it is widely considered a dictatorship and has been described as totalitarian and Stalinist, with an elaborate cult of personality around Kim Il-sung and his family. Human rights violations in North Korea have been assessed by international organizations as in a category of their own, with no parallel in the contemporary world. The Workers' Party of Korea, led by a member of the ruling family, holds power in the state and leads the Democratic Front for the Reunification of the Fatherland of which all political officers are required to be a member.
Over time North Korea has gradually distanced itself from the world Communist movement.
The means of production are owned by the state through state-run enterprises and collectivized farms, and most services such as healthcare, education, housing and food production are state funded or subsidized. In the 1990s, North Korea suffered from a famine and continues to struggle with food production.
North Korea follows Songun, or "military-first" policy. It is the world's most militarized society, with a total of 9,495,000 active, reserve, and paramilitary personnel. Its active duty army of 1.21 million is the 4th largest in the world, after China, the U.S., and India. It also possesses nuclear weapons.
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