Terms in this set (94)

• Powwow as ceremonial complex formed in 1940s
• Community most obviously celebrated is that of all Native Americans
• National model of powwow is similar in its broad outline, not necessarily in the details (the details are more local)
• Model: a dance circle, surrounded by a few ranks of chairs, some space to walk, circle of vendors of Native American handicrafts and food, and parking that may include a camping area
• Participants: one or several drums ("drum means both the instrument and the ensemble of a few to over a dozen men striking it and singing); an emcee explaining and pacing the event; an arena director keeping things and people where they ought to be; and from a dozen to over a hundred dancers
• General practice of proceedings: grand entry (parade led by color guard, followed by all dancers grouped by gender, regalia type and age); flag song and veterans' dance (most solemn parts of event); intertribal dances; dances by category (men: traditional, grass and fancy dances; women: traditional, fancy/shawl); and interspersed with "specials" (e.g. giveaways, where paid head dancer ritually honors individuals by awarding them gifts like blankets and apples)
• Most powwow songs are strophic, with interior repetition and each strophe called a round/push-up
• These are called intertribal songs: based on plains styles and used in powwows
• Northern, "traditional/straight" style, pushes pitch up higher at each strophe, plays honor beats (series of accented drum beats) within each strophe
• Southern "war dance" style is lower in pitch, honor beats normally at end of each strophe
• More drums performing "word songs" which contain a phrase or two of words toward the second half of the strophe, which is otherwise sung to vocables
• Different compositional terminology: Westerners and members of urban drums talk about "composing" a song and attribute it to an individual, whereas rural/reservation powwow singers talk about "making" a song and attribute it to the drum as a whole
• Native Americans treated as one group
• Early film (1930s): the dramatic drums perpetuated stereotypes of Native Americans as the "bad guy"
- Native Americans stood in the way of Cowboy's manifest destiny
- Modal melodies in fourths or fifths predominated: music worked like theme to Jaws, you didn't even have to actually see the Native Americans on film to know that something bad was coming or happening
• Films in the 1950s: ushered in a change in the Cowboy, he was becoming a sensitive guy with feelings
- The beginnings of the "liberal Western"
- Focus on Native American culture
- Hero's fall in love with Native American women
- Native American culture shown to be dignified as opposed to the boorish and ignorant Americans
- Composers began to romanticize (modal flutes and strings) and to use diegetic musical clips ("real" Native American music in "real" narrative roles)
• Film in the 1970s: composers began trying to idealize Native American culture as the "real thing", the "real America"
- Reaction to Vietnam was a part of this move
- Composers moved toward scoring Native Americans in the same way that they scored other characters...trying to defamiliarize the sounds for the viewers. The technique didn't work as well as they would have hoped because there is something about aural stereotypes that helps code a film
• The 1980s and 90s: find composers like John Barry (Dances with Wolves) and Ry Cooder (Geronimo) abandoning the stereotypical modal and tom-tom idioms and using either "authentic" Native American chants (Dances: Lacota) or providing beautiful Western/World Music melodies
- Whereas the prewar Indian was an obstacle to overcome, the postwar Indian has emerged as the ideal American
• Aboriginal musicians appropriate western rock and reggae to tell the world about Aboriginal issues, particularly to protest land appropriation
• Uses a musical discourse the West knows and is familiar with, but subtly transforms the idiom (historically an idiom of male protest, then female protest), to an "Aboriginal" sound, use of indigenous languages, musical sounds, and practices. BECOMES POLITICALLY CHARGED
• Like the market place, a niche sound, so it is different and familiar enough to capture a global audience
• In the past, the sanctity of land for aboriginals was tied to their dependence on the land
• Now the sanctity of land is about reasserting aboriginal rights, not only to the land but also to their larger identity in a global economy that validates selective difference
• Aboriginal rock, and especially the articles about the Treaty videos, highlights the difficulties that come to the surface when a country is confronted by the others within its borders that it has conveniently tried to forget about
• A very important point here is that this often leads to an exoticization of the other (go ahead and dance your traditional dances, wear your traditional clothes, speak your native languages) in order to continue marginalizing policies. The beauty of it is that now it can be done with a smile and within the politics of representation
• The politics of representation, then, illustrates both the need for visibility and the ability of governments to absorb and defuse that visibility.
• Slaves were brought into Peru between 1524 and 1528
• By the early-18th century, almost half the population of Lima was black (45% in 1820)
• At that time, Peru had one of the larger populations of black slaves in the Americas
• the black population then merged into Peruvian society in ways that made it almost disappear
• This was the result of attempts at "whitening"/"browning" aimed at improving social standing and access to opportunities (you can see this in the census data where, in 1836, only 10% declared themselves black and, in 1876 it was down to 9%)
• The census of 1940 reported that .48% of the population was black
• Based on this trajectory, Romero makes the case that Afro-Peruvians can't really be considered an ethnic group because of their consistent dissociation and the parallel process of crolization during the 19th and 20th centuries
• And yet, black Peruvian foods, athletes, and words are prominent in Peruvian culture
• Added to that, concentrations of blacks in coastal towns have led writers to include Afro-Peruvian themes in their writings
• Most importantly, Afro-Peruvians began to take seriously their lack of ethnic identity during the middle of the 20th century, attempting to redress these losses through recourse to music and dance.
• The 1950s-70s thus saw a very deliberate revival/reconstruction of Afro-Peruvian musical life
• During the 16th and 17th centuries, music and dance in Peru was heavily influenced by African roots, especially with regard to drums and marimba
• Example: Currula,; Marimba from Ecuador
• Brotherhoods, called confradías, were established in 1540 and helped to unite slaves
• But the 18th century marks the beginning of the creolization of black music, a process that intensified during the 19th century
• This process had really begun even as far back as the later 17th century, during which time the guitar and the harp were incorporated into ensembles
• The 18th century saw the arrival of the jawbone, the cajon, and the cajita (a smaller version of the cajon)
• Blacks were music teachers, resulting in the slow acceptance of music played by blacks
• The 18th century also saw the drums and marimba, the primary African instruments in ensembles, fall out of use
• The confradías were also abandoned during this time
• By the early 20th century, it was hard to tell what was specifically black in what had by now come to be called musica criolla
• Some older black musicians could remember some melodies and text fragments of specifically African songs, but most of the repertory had fallen out of memory.
• African dance choreography, moreover, was almost entirely forgotten
• What do you do when you can't remember? You re-invent yourself!
• Except that this process started among intellectuals like Nicomedes Santa Cruz and his sister (a dancer)
• Nicomedes elaborated a theory of what some have called the Black Pacific by making the lando (and the pelvic bump) central to Afro-Peruvian musical life
• This pelvic bump was, according to Nicomedes' speculation, related to other forms of black expression around the Americas and especially closely linked to the move in Brazil called umbigada and the Cuban version called, as you know, vacunao
• The dances were entirely re-invented with reference to other black dance practices in the Americas
• The musical dimensions of this movement affected the make-up of the ensembles in a reversal of the creolization process
• So, the jawbone, the cajita, and the cajon were retained but were augmented by Afro-Caribbean percussion like congas, cowbell, and bongos.
• The harp was left out of the ensemble (which makes sense), but the marimba wasn't brought back into the ensemble (which is interesting in that it most explicitly marks African musical spaces)
• Not unlike samba, the guitar plays the primary harmonic role in these ensembles.
• Many of the song-types in the Afro-Peruvian repertory are in 3/4 or 6/8
• After the productive festival-, academic-, and ensemble-driven revival, a moment that lasted through the 1970s, Afro-Peruvian music and musicians moved into a more commercial space: recordings, on the radio, etc.
• Thanks to ensembles like Peru Negro, however, Afro-Peruvian music has taken hold in the academy. Many of the band's members teach in Lima.
• Another outgrowth of the revival is the gradual re-integration of an ethnic identity which is beginning to show itself in the realm of social and political rights.
• This is still not a strong movement, as far as I can tell, but the fact of Afro-Peruvian music and dance in the national media is contributing to a gradual shift in the social fabric of Peru
• Romero is convinced that this hasn't actually found its way into real political reality and that this means that the revival was, at least on that score, a failure
• I wonder, however, if it isn't simply a matter of time before the new possibilities opened for thinking about ethnic identity will take hold among a new generation of performers and audiences.
• Example: Picarón Jolgorio
• In Indonesian, gamelan is the generic name for an ensemble
• The root word (gamel) means to handle or to beat, thereby simultaneously referencing the mode of playing (instruments are struck with mallets) and the means through which the instruments are made (hot-forged and hammered into shape).
• A gamelan can vary greatly in size, ranging from just a few instruments to over seventy-five.
• Although gamelans are found throughout Indonesia (in Java, Bali, Sumatra, Lombok, Sulawesi, and Kalimantan and elsewhere), we will limit our exploration of gamelan to ensembles and traditions found in Java and Bali.
• It is rare to hear a gamelan performing for its own sake: the gamelan usually accompanies theatre (shadow puppet plays called wayang), dance, and/or ritual of some sort, adding its voice to the proceedings in a collaborative way.
• Gongs and drums form the core of gamelan music and gongs in particular are considered sacred
• The sound of the gong is a voice that speaks from beyond the visible world—a supernatural voice.
• As such, gongs are feared and respected (many stories about the supernatural power of gongs circulate) and gongmakers are among the most revered members of Southeast Asian myths.
• The knobbed gongs (the best ones are made of bronze) are collectively referred to as pencon.
• The knob, by the way, helps focus the pitch...in contrast to the diffuse pitch produced by the flat-surfaced tam-tam in an orchestra, the knobbed gongs in a gamelan produce a distinct pitch.
• Knobbed gong instruments include single gongs as well as gong chimes (more than one gong arranged on a frame and played as a melody instrument)
• Instruments with slabs and keys are also part of gamelan ensembles
• Drums are also included
• An interesting aesthetic principle connects to the size of the instruments: generally the smaller and higher pitched the instrument, the more notes that instrument performs in relation to the larger instruments.
• Trinidad played host to Europeans for the first time on July 31, 1498.
• The island then proceeded quickly to slide into a three-hundred-year period of colonial insignificance. Spain did relatively little to establish on Trinidad for it was busy investing in more lucrative locations.
• Relegation to the status of colonial afterthought did not, however, translate to an escape from the colonial encounter. In fact, Trinidad's Amerindian population was decimated during this period.
• So brutal was the colonial encounter that Bridget Brereton estimates the Amerindian population was halved within the century following Columbus's visit ("from around 30,000-40,000 in 1498 to 15,000-20,000 in 1592").
• Act two of the colonial encounter began with the founding of St. Joseph, the first permanent Spanish settlement on Trinidad, in 1592. What followed, of course, was the installation of the principal institution of Spanish colonial power, the encomienda. But it didn't work very well
• This state of affairs called for the installation of the second pillar of Spanish colonialism; the mision or reduccion. In 1687, Capuchin missionaries settled in Trinidad, established a number of missions, and set to work ensuring the success of Columbus's machine—put otherwise, the missionaries seemed always to secure more labor than they did souls.
• The missionaries gained control over the labor of several thousand of the remaining Amerindians by organizing them into mission villages, but the missionaries' successful monopoly on the work force soon engendered open resentment by the settlers, and the missions were abolished in 1708.
• By 1713, all of the missionaries had left Trinidad and the Amerindians in the mission villages were entrusted to the settlers. Shortly thereafter, in 1716, the encomienda system was also abolished.
• The decades following the withdrawal of the missionaries and the abolishment of the encomienda system found Trinidad thoroughly impoverished and without a viable economy
• Trinidad was simply too far removed from the vital trading routes to warrant visits by Spanish trading vessels and it was not until the 1770s that Spain, responding to the challenges of British colonialism and the currents of world politics, began to make significant attempts at developing the island's economy.
• By 1776, it was apparent that Trinidad lacked the labor base for a profitable economy and the decision was made to install the refined version of Columbus's machine—the plantation—on the island. They did it by appealing to French planters.
• The influx of the French planters and their slaves and of free black planters and artisans quickly transformed Trinidad into an active plantation economy. The island now exported cocoa, coffee, cotton, and sugar in sufficient quantities to make it a viable stop along the trading routes.
• The advent of the French Revolution in 1789 and the beginning of the revolution in St. Domingue during 1791 provided additional political and economic impetus for French planters to immigrate to Trinidad and the result of this influx was a decided shift from Spanish to French creole culture.
• The religious culture of Trinidad was changing as well, for the rapidly increasing number of slaves and free blacks upon whose shoulders the economy was being built brought with them their West African spiritual heritages.
• Meanwhile, it did not take long for Spain to get caught in the intrigues of continental politics. France forced Spain into the uncomfortable position of declaring war on Britain in 1796 and the British promptly rose to the challenge, capturing Trinidad and its emerging economy in 1797.
• By 1802, Trinidad was ceded to Britain and the gradual Anglicization of the island began. The socio-cultural geography of Trinidad was, however, only beginning to take shape, for, in a pattern that repeated itself across the Caribbean, once set in motion, Trinidad's plantation economy became entirely dependent on cheap labor.
• Ooops...The abolition of the British slave trade (1807), the first and second Amelioration Orders (1824; 1831), the prohibition on the importation of slaves from other colonies (1825), the emancipation of slaves (1834), and the apprenticeship years (1834-1838), and emancipation (1838) all signaled the gradual decommissioning of the current incarnation of the plantation machine.
• By the 1840s, then, many Trinidadian élites were facing the very real possibility of financial ruin and began to prevail upon the British government to sanction the importation of labor from India. Sanction was given in 1844 and a second wave of exploitation and human tragedy—what Tinker has called a "new system of slavery"—was initiated in Trinidad.
• This new middle passage began in 1845, when the immigrant ship Fatel Rozack arrived in Port of Spain, and was not brought to an end until 1917.
• All told, more than 144,000 people endured that "journey of seven seas" and the resulting East Indian community has since grown to comprise approximately forty-one percent of Trinidad's current population.
• Hindu and Muslim religious beliefs and practices were, thus, added to the growing number of religious systems in Trinidad, and the government's Population and Housing Census of 1990 suggests that approximately 30% of the population claims Hindu or Muslim faith.
• Immigrants from China, Lebanon, Germany, and Portugal also made the journey to Trinidad during the nineteenth century so that, by the beginning of the twentieth century, the cultural and ethnic dimensions of Trinidad and Tobago were rather well defined and in place.
• The twentieth century, however, saw new patterns and nuances emerge, for New York, London, Toronto, and other locations throughout Europe and North America increasingly became destinations for Trinidadians seeking economic and educational opportunities.
• Importantly, the diaspora has become a source of exchange between the local and the global—a fertile ground upon which to imagine pasts, pres Political independence from Great Britain was fought for during the middle decades of the century and won in full on August 31, 1962.
• Meanwhile, political dependence on the United States continued to grow. The racial politics of the post-independence years have engendered the Black Power movement of the 1970s, the attempted coup by the Muslimeen in 1990, and the rise of the formerly disenfranchised East Indian community to political power during the 1990s.
• As early as the 1780s, the word cariso was used to describe a French creole song
• After emancipation (1838) cariso seems to have been perfected by the (mostly female) chantwells
• The chantwells, assisted by drums, made stickfighting/kalenda happen!
• French Creole remained the principal language of cariso until the 1880s but English began creeping in by mid-century
• Accompanied by drums, lots of call and response
• In order to clean up Carnival, drumming was banned in the Musical Ordinance of 1883
• 1884 marked the year that stickfighting was banned
• An ingenious substitute for the drums (and sticks) was introduced in the 1890s. It was called tamboo bamboo
• Tamboo Bamboo bands consist of three different instruments (each cut from bamboo): boom, foule, cutter
• Boom: five feet long and stamped on the ground (deepest sound)
• Foule: two pieces of bamboo about a foot long each struck end to end (higher pitch than boom)
• Cutter: A thinner piece of bamboo (could be any length, really) held over shoulder and struck with a stick (highest pitch)
• The ban on stickfighting meant that men became much more involved in singing carisos, relegating women (formerly the main chantwells) to the sidelines.
• The next development in calypso came in the form of two widely popular verse forms: the single tone and double tone
• Single Tone: four lines, picong style
• Double Tone: eight lines, Sans Humanite (sandeemanitay)
• At roughly the same time (1890s), stringbands from Venezuela were coming to prominence in Trinidad
• Two important styles were danced at Carnival (pasillos, Castilians)
• The pasillo (paseo, double step) is the rhythmic grandfather of the modern calypso
• The stringband sound remained a staple of calypso for decades
• By the turn of the century calypsonians began to perform in tents, leaving the streets to the tamboo bamboo and by 1920 they began charging admission to the shows
• By the 1930s contests between tents became a standard part of carnival and, in 1939 Growling Tiger was crowned the first calypso monarch of Trinidad (The Labor Situation in Trinidad)
• The 1930s also marked international interest in calypso, a topic we will focus on a bit later this semester
• The big band sound of American jazz made it to Trinidad and the stringband sound was gradually replaced by the sounds of the big band.
• Examples: Some Girl Something (stringband/bigband); Rum and Coca-Cola (mixed, small band); Jean and Dinah (modern calypso sound); Castilian; Pasillo; War (Single Tone); Picong Duel (Single Tone); Trinidad Hurricane (Wilmoth Houdini); Congo Bara; Fire Brigade Water The Road; Regimen mwen de leon mama; Sewe Wangala; Fire Brigade Water the Road
• In the first post-World War II carnival in 1945, steelbands hit the streets. They were still outlawed, and took people by surprise. But the steelband had been developing for some time
• Just as stickfighting and tamboo bamboo had been important to the intitial development of calypso, so too these festival musics triggered developments in steelpan.
• After the ban on stickfighting and drums and during the years of active tamboo bamboo (1890-1930s) rhythmic expression continued to be of paramount importance.
• There is a company in Trinidad called Crix Crackers and they make these five gallon tins for the crackers. They sound good when you bang on them
• So, by about the 1920s and 30s bands of revelers would avail themselves of whatever they could get their hands on that sounded good (old brake parts, garbage cans)
• Sometime between 1937 and 1941 these metallic percussion instruments came to replace tamboo bamboo instruments.
• WWI found the US heavily invested in the Caribbean and they established bases throughout the region (including a really big one on Trinidad.
• The ships used oil, of course, and 35, 45, and 55 gallon drums became increasingly available in large quantities.
• At some point in the 1940s (no one is really sure who or when) someone figured out that the oil drums lasted longer, sounded better, and could be played louder than any of the other materials currently in use
• Then someone figured out that you could dent them and get different notes.
• News traveled fast and pretty soon people were getting 4, 5, and more notes out of the pans. Tuner Spree Simon got 8 notes on an oil drum by 1945.
• Before long people figured out that you could put together bands, just like the tamboo bamboo bands, with instruments playing notes at different registers so that today you have tenors, seconds, double seconds, guitars (double, triple) cellos (triple, 4), tenor bass (4), and bass (6-12)
• In the 1950s the steelpan became part of the national vision for independence. The Steel Band Association was formed that year.
• The steelpan traveled to England and was a hit in 1951.
• By 1963 Panorama was a government-sponsored competition complete with big prizes and huge corporate sponsorships (Amoco Renegades, Shell Invaders, Pan Am North Stars, Coca-Cola Desperadoes, Angostura Starlift, Guinness Cavaliers, Chase Manhattan Savoys, etc.).
• The steelbands (Panorama up to 120 people) usually play arrangements of calypsos or popular songs, but they also play arrangements of Western Art Music. Smaller ensembles and soloists are also quite common.
• Today the steelpan is found in many locations throughout the Caribbean and in many US universities. It is also used in jazz and in popular music
Examples: Exodus, Dus In Dey Face; Phase II, Isn't She Lovely; Amoco Renegades, Orpheus in the Underworld
• At the beginning of the 1800s, cities like Havana, which at this time was the third largest city in the hemisphere [100,000], after Mexico City and Lima (and way bigger than New York [60,000]), fostered musical fare that was all about ties to Europe.
• The waltz, minuet, gavotte, and mazurka, thus, were the main sounds in dancehalls.
• Bellini's bel canto aria operatic style was a hit, as were the latest offerings from the European composers.
• At the turn of the century, Spanish-language operettas called zarzuelas and the more informal tonadillas were the local contributions to the musical scene.
• Things were about to change, however, and it was the arrival of the contredanse that initiated that process in earnest.
• This English country dance was initially brought to Haiti via Brittany and then to Cuba by Franco-Haitian refugees at the turn of the century (that whole revolt in Haiti kind of blew it for the French, so they hopped on over to Cuba).
• The contredanse was gradually made more Cuban and turned into a light-classical genre which became known as the contradanza habanera.
• The dance was also re-focused as an intimate couple dance instead of the more folksy group dance that it had been in Europe.
• By the 1820s, the genre was also characterized by what has come to be called the "habanera rhythm."
• By the 1830s this rhythm made it back to Europe in a big way and it continued to make an impact on European music for some time, appearing, for example, in Bizet's opera, Carmen (1875).
• So the table was set for a Cuban voice in the light-classical dance repertoire. This sophisticated habanera filled a space within Cuban middle and upper class life that mirrored the spaces that the refined salon music occupied in Europe's musical life.
• Example: Carmen
• There is a ton of Afro-Cuban sacred music that has contributed in some shape or fashion to the secular rhythms of Cuba. For our purposes here, however, we will focus on the secular dance genre called rumba.
• Rumba developed in the late 19th century as a form of entertainment in urban lower-class Afro-Cuban neighborhoods.
• The ensemble consisted of a lead vocalist, a chorus, and at least three percussionists (clave, palitos (short sticks), and three congas).
• Several types of rumba developed, including the guaguanco, the yambú, and the columbia.
• The most important style, however, was the guaguanco. This was the style that was to become most paradigmatic for dance music.
• The characteristic rhythms of guaguanco consist of the interlocking motives of the 2/3 clave, the palitos on the side of the drum, the basic patterns of the congas, and the improvised play of the quinto conga.
• Rumba consists of two main sections - canto (narrative text) and montuno (call and response with the chorus/percussion)
• Once the montuno starts, a male and female dance what amounts to a ritualized enactment of male conquest.
• The male dancer uses surprise and stealth to get close enough the female dancer to thrust his pelvis at her in a move called a vacunao.
• She in turn evades his moves, playing off his moves.
• In contrast to the guaguanco, the columbia is a solo male dance of virtuosic character. The dancer basically shows his chops throughout.
• Rumba, as you can imagine, caused a great deal of hand-wringing among the oh-so-proper middle- and upper classes and it was banned or severely limited on several occasions throughout the 19th century. 1888 was a particularly harsh year in terms of official repression.
• Examples: La Voz del Congo; Consuelate como yo
• Son includes a bit of both worlds (European and African): guitar, tres, quadratic verse forms, on the one hand and bongos, clave, botija (jug), marimbula (large mbira-type thumb piano), and güiro (scraper) on the other.
• Son follows rumba in terms of its overall structure: narrative (canto) and then montuno.
• The clave pattern, however, is usually inverted to 3/2
• And yet, the narrative of the rumba is also easily interchangeable with the largo section of the guajiros
• It developed in the first decades of the 20th century and became popular in Havana by the 1920s.
• The first codified ensemble for the performance of son was the sexteto format—an ensemble that usually included of guitar, tres, bass/marimbula, bongo, clave, and maracas.
• The canto/largo section was, in the 1920s, still quite developed and the montuno remained a tag. This, however, was to shift in the years to come.
• It was also not uncommon to find guajira-son played by ensembles more typical of guajiros.
• By the 1930s, son was the most popular dance genre in Cuba and the sexteto format had been augmented to a septeto (a trumpet was added). This septeto sound also succeeded in pushing the, formerly dominant, charanga ensembles out of limelight.
• In addition, the upright bass more-or-less permanently replaced marimbula.
• By the 1940s, Arsenio Rodriguez had introduced, conga, timbales, piano, a second (and sometimes a third) trumpet, and cowbell to the septeto. This, then, is the beginning of the modern conjunto sound.
• Montuno sections by this time became longer and were increasingly being expanded into extended jam sessions. The repeating, percussive/harmonic piano part in son, by the way, is also called the montuno.
• Sometimes a son was basically just a montuno.
• Even though the charanga ensemble had been pushed out of popular favor by the sexteto, septeto, and conjunto ensembles, the bandleaders simply changed with the times.
• Charanga bands were able to harness the popularity of the son as well, and famous orchestras like Orquesta Aragón made a huge splash as dance bands.
• Examples: Pare Cochero; El baile del suavito; El Congo; El Son y sus Instrumentos; Tres Lindas Cubanas
• So we need to think about the ways that rumba became part of national culture in Cuba.
• It was a difficult road and one that was fraught with middle- and upper class resistance along the way
• At the turn of the 20th century, newly independent Cuba was looking for an international identity and had a problem on its hands.
• On the one hand, European-derived forms were too European and felt like cheap copies.
• On the other hand, the Afro-Cuban stuff was simply too backward, too drum-oriented, not modern enough for the nation
• And yet, the World's Fair of 1889 in Paris had illustrated quite clearly that the primitive and negritude was IN.
• Composers like Debussy were fascinated by Gamelans, artists were thrilled by African masks, and audiences were going crazy over Josephine Baker's shows.
• Jazz was beginning to make inroads in Europe and, by 1920, a tango craze hit all of Europe.
• In the wake of World War I, moreover, there was a definite lack of confidence in the efficacy of social Darwinism: if the most "developed" countries in the world could use mustard gas on each other, then perhaps the theory wasn't worth much. If this was the case, maybe Africa and the East might have some things to teach Europe.
• At any rate, people turned to l'arte negre for a variety of reasons and the stage was set for a new craze to hit the streets.
• Back in Cuba, rumba was being banned on the streets and performed in cleaned up form in the cabarets. Some of these performers got overseas and, in 1927, the first stage rumba was performed in Paris.
• By the 1930s, the rumba was being danced all over Europe and in the US. There were even dance manuals to help out the novices.
• All this to say that while rumba hit Paris and the world, the rumba of the urban poor was still quite maligned in Cuba and still being appropriated by the elites on their own terms.
• When tourists became increasingly interested in rumba, things began gradually to change. The top-tier clubs began hiring more Afro-Cuban musicians (for authenticity), for example.
• Ruben Gonzalez has this to say about the racial discrimination within the music industry: "After I came back from Panama, I joined Senen Suarez's conjunto and we played at The Tropicana (one of the top clubs)...When I joined a big band like that, they'd be saying behind my back to the director, couldn't you find someone a little lighter? And he'd say, but he's the one who can play the music! Anyway, this isn't any different from any other Latin American country. Ever since the 'Discovery,' there's been racism, and so it goes on..."
• It also became apparent that the rumba was now firmly entrenched and enmeshed in the modern son.
• This dance band tradition, of which son is the most famous component, gradually became the international face of Cuba.
• So, rumba found its way into the world and into a more benign genre, and the combination of these two processes made it possible for the elites to embrace it.
• Outside recognition, inside re-definition!
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