·Because our sex is presumably so clearly marked and because we conflate sex, gender, and sexuality, any interactional situation sets the stage for depictions of "essential" sex natures.
oIn other words, any social interaction can be potentially read as a sign of sex, gender, and or sexuality
Sex- label/category/identity ascribed based on one's biological/physiological characteristics (male/female)
Gender- socially and culturally constructed scripts, performances, and associations (man/woman; or masculine/feminine)
Sexuality - three parts: desire (hormones, thoughts, bodies, and feelings), acts (what people do sexually), and identity (based in relation to one's general object of desire). (e.g. gay/straight)
-In contemporary Western society, we tend to inflate these things
Overlapping pockets of solidarity
Individual identity and work → it drives purpose, moral work
Necessary for action and coordination → human actions become conscious, attuned, and synchronized,
Example: looking at competitive sports events. Even though watching competitive sports events on television has become even more accessible, people still want to go 'live' to the sports shows because their is a shared mood to win, produces solidarity as fans, exhilaration, energy, pleasure is derived from going to the games, and sacred objects are produced (jerseys.)
-Item in question must be previously known by at least 1 group member.
·E.g. "Polish Homerun" ala "Foul Ball" one of the kids on the team hard the term from his dad, the boy says "Polish Home-run" when a foul ball is hit and the term picked up by the team.
· The more people that are aware of a particular belief, symbol, the more likely it is to be adopted into the group's idioculture
· Mentionable in the context of the group.
· No absolute criteria; meaning of "usable" is negotiated and constructed.
· E.g. Religion and the Angels vs. Rangers. Religion was mentionable on the Angels team but not on the Rangers team and dirty jokes was not mentionable on the Angels team but was mentionable on the Rangers team.
· E.g. Racial, ethnic, religious, gender, or sexuality slurs or jokes. Different jokes in front of family and friends.
· Perceived congruence with goals/needs of some or all group members.
· E.g. First-come, first-bat batting practice.
·Often it is about problem-solving; sometimes it is about entertainment and social solidarity.
·Needs to fit the existing social structure (interpersonal networks and power relations)
·E.g. Nicknames. Nickname needs to be adjusted in the proper hierarchy. Popular kids and coaches, people in positions of power have more say in what gets incorporated in idioculture.
T: Triggering Event
·Particular events spark or prompt the selection of one item from the many that are K,U,F, and A.
·Recurring events are more relevant to group and therefore prompt selection more often.
Four Core Forms of Reputation Work: bold is the front stage.
1. Physical Environment: Must be located in/near Beverly Hills, must be sleek, ordered and "feng shui". Can't be in another geographic location, disordered or cluttered.
2. Emotional Environment: Casual/hip, can't be formal, stiff or unhip
3. Giftgiving: creative and unique, personalized. Not chinsy, mass produced or impersonal.
4. Selfhood: Confident, socially adept. Not socially awkward.
- Men: aggressive, confident swagger, ownership of space. Can't be submissive
- Women: warm interactional style, confident, nice but not cold.
Hollywood talent industry personnel must maintain a 'front stage' to match along with their 'backstage.' There is an institutionalized expectation for their front stage such as elements of their: physical environment, emotional environment, gift giving, and selfhood.
Using words like: my girlfriend and boyfriend, wife and husband, in-laws, Mr. Mrs - share surname, WE.
how people produce themselves and others as heterosexual and—in so doing—co-constitute a normative heterosexual world. I begin by considering those occasions on which heterosexuality is displayed through talk that is explicitly oriented to (hetero)sex or to (hetero)relationships (as in Fragment 2, shown earlier). The most explicit (hetero)sexual references in these conversations are in the form of sexual joking, banter, reports of (hetero)sexual activity, and innuendo.
A second fairly explicit way in which heterosexuality is displayed in these conversations is through topic talk about heterosexual relationships —typically marriage or marriage-related topics such as engagements, weddings, marital troubles, and so forth.
Some linguistic terms include: husband and wife, in-law terminology. Speakers can "give off" their heterosexuality.
1. femininity simulacrum: range of behaviors that are socially constructed as belonging to the female category
a. passivity, emotionalism ,tenderness, flirtatiousness, maternalism
b. betty flirts with authority figures
c. women who stare at the ground, flirt, act grandmotherly are often met with sympathy and courtesy
2. masculine simulacrum
a. low voice, act tough, arms out, masculine dress
a. wear baggie clothing to hide bodies
b. stays away from people
4. passing: passing off themselves as lesbians when approached by men
a. combo with either masculine simulacrum or genderlessness
5. waitresses flirt and are passive, nurturing ad care
whether someone has exhibited a proper amount of gratitude—and even whether gratitude is called for at all—are topics of lay discourse, analyzable as rhetorical claims-making rather than as straightforward rule (Hochschild 1983). We call this form of work ''interpretive emotion management'' (IEM) since the focus of actors' efforts is on managing ideas or assertions about feelings, rather on the management of bodily sensations or expressions (S. R. Harris 2009, Unpublished manuscript).
IEM is clearly conducted at an interpersonal level as well as an individual level (Staske 1998). People label their own feelings, but they also label the feelings of others. In interaction, they help others modify their emotions by adjusting the strength and character of candidate descriptions.
We believe that red-carpet interviews provide an opportune site for the investigation of this type of emotional instantiation.
Celebrities are esthetic and emotional laborers—they must present appropriate fronts both physically and emotionally when they are performing, and so it is not enough to merely look good while walking the red carpet. They display and talk about their emotions in strategic ways as well.
The culturally approved emotional vocabulary for award shows seems to require that celebrities announce that they are ''happy'' or ''excited'' to be there, and/or that they are ''enjoying'' themselves.
Celebrities on the red carpet are accountable to the emotional requirements of their local context, which include the expression of positive feelings like happiness and excitement. Within a red-carpet frame, these interpretations and expressions of emotions are expected.
While expressions of excitement and happiness are the benchmark emotions for celebrities on the red carpet, the possibility remains that not all stars ''actually'' feel that way, and some stars are willing to talk about negative emotions in red-carpet interviews. While admitting to a negative emotion is rare, some celebrities may compare the way they feel now (positive) with the way they felt at past award shows (negative)
· Hip-hop battling is seen as a competitive sport, but also sustains a playful interaction. Individuals will smile, laugh, or make other playful gestures to show that they are not "catching feeling", getting genuinely upset, agitated, or pissed off. In other situations, individuals realize that their comments may have offended their opponent. When this happens, individuals use cues to signal that they are simply playing around and should not be taken seriously.
1. Sustain the playful meanings of battles
2. Nonverbal cuews
a. "I was just playing"
b. "I do not have any hard feelings"
c. when this does not work, onookers step in btwn participants, tell jokes, and use other gestures to defuse escalating tensions
3. Lil Duce vs. Nocando
a. Lil Duce then quickly throws off his jacket, moves closer to Nocando and pushes his open hand a few inches away from Nocando's face - as if he is preparing to fight
b. Still smiling, Nocando takes another sip from his drink before responding back with punchlines instead of challenging Lil Duce to a fight
4. Onlookers tell jokes with new objects and referent or criticize what the participants say about each other - both of which defuse tensions btwn participants
5. Rappers in the cipher take turns rapping with eachother. The person who wants to rap uses verbal cues to signal to the person currecntly rapping that they want to "got on stage" however, when transitons do not go smoothly, participants feel disrespected by each other and call each other out for rap battles
6. Rappers laughing at comments that their opponent makes about them
7. "giving daps" to admit defeat
Lopez: nurses experience genuine feelings of care for their patients, which contrast Hochschild by not having to match up emotions with that expected from the work place (emotional labor)
However, although the concept of emotional labor has a long pedigree and has been confirmed countless times in the literature, it does not really fit what I sawat the Pines. Here I did not observe management
imposing specific feeling rules for workers like Molly to follow. Instead, I found in the Pines an organization that self-consciously tried to create structural opportunities for meaningful social relationships between caregivers
and clients. The distinction I draw between the Pines' approach and emotional labor, thus, turns on the difference between organizational imposition of feeling rules (the sine qua non of emotional labor) and organizational support for ongoing human relationships in which the emotional rules can be renegotiated by the participants.
At the Meadows, workers not only experienced their interactions with residents as inauthentic but also moralized
privately about residents' behavior. At the Lakes, frontline staff (aides and
housekeepers) experienced many aspects of their interactions with residents
as authentic but were compelled by organizational imperatives to ignore
much of residents' loneliness and emotional suffering. And at the Pines,
frontline staff not only experienced their interactions with residents as
authentic but also were spared emotional labor by the presence of an
expanded activities program that provided residents with alternative
opportunities for sociability
Smith: The present study of professional wrestlers extends and refines current research on emotional labor in three main respects. First, professional wrestlers (at the "indy" level studied here) are not performing for their immediate livelihood, hence their work is not driven by financial incentives. This voluntary emotional labor—work that is an aspect of business entertainment though not directly imposed by profit-driven schema—allows us to examine the association between emotional labor and identity as shaped within the context of a recreational physical activity Second, instead of traditional emotion labor, which is intended to produce a "sense of being cared for in a convivial and safe place" (Hochschild 1983: 7)—work that produces "soft emotions" (Price 1994), traditionally coded as feminine—pro wrestling is physical work intended to create passionate feelings of contempt, indignation, and suspense among the audience. Positive feelings like adoration and appreciation are also summoned, but only in conjunction with a more "evil" emotion worker. Therefore, the study provides a close look at the work that goes into "surface acts" (Hochschild 1983) of hostility and aggression, acts that are less examined in the literature
3rd: joint performance of emotional labor.4 The performance is an enactment of a duel between two or more fighters who are, in actuality, colluding with one another.
· People who consider participation in a support group are looking for a way to cope with bad feelings. Support groups help people feel better through the use of stories/testimonies, conversation, or enactments. In order for support group members to achieve a desired emotional experience, they must first renegotiate the meaning of their "problems" or the source of their bad feeling. For gay Christian men, instead of believing that their faith does not allow them to possess the feelings they have, they work within the confines of their faith and revise the existing Christian ideologies in ways that allow them to see themselves positively. By revising the ideologies, it enables them to feel better and to feel as authentic Christians. The men's emotions, and their awareness of self-feelings and their meanings for the self; fueled this revision process, prompts them to initiate it, sustaining their commitment to support groups, and authenticating the new self that emerged from it. · Restorative justice is an approach to justice that focuses on the needs of victims, offenders, as well as the involved community, instead of satisfying abstract legal principles or punishing the offender. Victims take an active role in the process, while offenders are encouraged to take responsibility for their actions
· The elements of restorative justice include the shared focus through conversational rhythm, conversational and power balance, turning point and public displays of solidarity. Restorative justice has shown that conferences can be transformative, producing high levels of satisfaction, and even a commitment to stop offending. "Good" conference is considered, such as the development of conversational and bodily rhythm, a balance of power and perspective among participants and a shared focus of their emotions
· Consumer culture theory emphasize the importance of individual values, behaviors and attitudes
· Mass consumption perspective exemplifies more passive consumers who are largely influenced by advertising and the context of the places they consume.
· Face to face interactions between consumers and producers produce solidarity and motivate support for the Fair Trade movement.
· Emotional energy is an outcome of ritualistic interaction; a durable emotion evoking a feeling of confidence, elation, strength, enthusiasm and initiative in taking action. In successful interaction rituals, the emotions of the group before entertained with high levels of solidarity.
· Besides increased solidarity, emotional energy also gathers a symbols of group membership with meanings. A range of symbols has been invested with meaning through ritual: commodities, logos, retail stores and most importantly, producers.
Mobilizes consumers to buy fair trade products through emotion (support FT, FT aesthetics) and rituals.
· Hip-hop culture in the US during the 1980's and 1990s held an ideological commitment to black nationalism, various forms of Islam and Afrocentrism and a race-consciousness that centered blackness and pushed whiteness to the periphery. In these battles, these youth are positioned by others, along hierarchies of race, ethnicity, class (street-affiliation), gender, and sexuality. Racialized discourse, particularly when it conforms with mainstream, hegemonic racist stereotypes, can sometimes result in qualitative shifts away from racial discourse and towards other ways of marking an opponents weakness.
In black rap, 'blackness' and black stereotypes are challenged AND maintained by black emcees.