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Terms in this set (80)

- Claims to authenticity- the most important- we try to give the impression the performance or the only performance we give. Important element of me.
o Audience segregation- when will that date meet your friend- probably not the first date because your friends might tell the date embarrassing story.
o Downplaying routinization- makes a nice dinner, watch a movie, and do that with every date and when they find out that you're doing this with every other date. You want to make this look like it is spontaneous.
Misread cues & unintended gestures.
- Loss of muscular control- tripping and you yawn, accidental touch. How is that going to be interpreted
- Acts that suggest too much or too little concern. Laugh too much at a mediocre jokes. Open up to somebody and they show too little concerns.
- Inadequate dramaturgical direction- props aren't ready- you're late to your date, you didn't plan accordingly so things didn't arrive on time.
Sign accepting tendencies
- We accept signs we have seen in other, similar contexts.
o Why? - Because it makes social interaction easier. It narrows down the expectation.
- Established social roles have established fronts.
o Ex. When you first attend classes you already know what to expect the next time you come in.- you're establishing you're role.
- This is why we have to work hard to minimize discrepancies in our performance - because people will read into the unintended gestures. Shows that all gestures and can be read the wrong way. Ex: relationship ends because one person reads another's comments differently. People can be fooled by other people performances.
"Faking" Performance
-faking a performance is unacceptable. But maybe depends on the situation.
2 types of misinterpretation:
-"Open", "flat" or barefaced lie: unquestionable evidence that the performer intentionally misrepresented.
-White lies: told to protect.
2 ideal types of performers:
-Sincere: performer genuinely believes in performance he/she gives.
-Cynical: performer has no belief in his/her performance, does not care if audience believes it.
... but in reality it's a continuum between these extremes. We fall in between the two ideal types of performers. We are aware of our consistencies and aware of our inconsistencies/ real or fake.
West and Zimmerman: "Doing Gender"
- Gender as a performance. Socially reproduce and everyday action.
-allowing for variations in gender performance.
- Main argument: gender is a routine accomplishment embedded in everyday interaction that involves socially guided perceptual, interactional, and micro-political activities that cast particular pursuits as expressions of masculine and feminine "natures."
- Gender is an achieved status. It is routine- recurring social process. You are constantly doing gender over and over again. Finally it is interactive which involve intended and unintended expression and the reaction of the audience whether they are presence or absent in the mind of the individual.
Goffman on Gender
- Gender: socially scripted dramatization of a culture's idealization of masculine and feminine natures, constructed to correlate to a sex.
- Gender display: conventional portrayals of these correlates. Example: men hold doors for woman.
- Focused on conventional gender. ex women puts on make up but men do not
-more traditional thinker. no gray areas for gender.
- Peformed through particular rituals
o Ex: holding a door for a date such as prom- big gender display of masculinity and feminity
A goffmanian gender analysis
- Pop culture books and magazines.
o Presents idealized ideas of masculinity and femininity, dramatized for (or to be displayed in) "real" social situation.
- Gender procedure manuals: offer discrete, well-defined bundles of behavior that are recognizable enactments of masculinity and femininity to be deployed in any social interaction. The hole to his approach: This idea of magazines on how to be a man and woman can be deployed in any situation.
Hoschschild (1979; 1983):
-Emotions > biology or psychology
- There is a social element that is involve in it.
-She argues that people has the capacity to shape what they feel. It may not be permanent but these efforts reflect a social component to emotions.
Draws on 3 theoretical traditions:
- Organismic
- Interactional
- Method Acting
Organismic Model (Darwin, early freud, William James)
· Biological process
o Instinctual, reflex, unmediated.
· Emotions before introspection.
o Anger happens and then you recognize it. But anger comes first then the recognition.
· Role of social factors?
o May play a role but only when it triggers a biological reaction (ex. a gun pointed at you)
· Involves assessment, interpretation, and labeling.
o Will have emotional response after you have assessed and interpreted the situation and labeled what kind of feeling you have.
· Experiences across groups of people.
· Constantine Stanislavski - acting person
Darwin's Influence
· Connects emotions and actions
o Emotions are our bodily experiences preparing for an imaginary action.
· Importance to Hochschild and theory of Feeling Management.
· Gives more weight (emotions matter).
Freud's Influence
· Anxiety as signal for how the ego is functioning in relation to an internal and external environment.
· Role of ego and super ego in controlling id.
· Importance to hoschild and theory of feeling management.
Goffman's Influence
-Impression Management. People actively manage their impression but doesn't allow people to experience emotion, only interested in the expression of emotions (ex. smile) Goffman doesn't care if you are really happy when you smile.
-People try to manage the emotional experiences they are having and not just having the ones they are showing.
K:Known
-Item in question must be previously known by at least 1 group member.
·E.g. "Polish Homerun" ala "Foul Ball" one of the kids on the team hard the term from his dad, the boy says "Polish Home-run" when a foul ball is hit and the term picked up by the team.
· The more people that are aware of a particular belief, symbol, the more likely it is to be adopted into the group's idioculture
U:Usable
· Mentionable in the context of the group.
· No absolute criteria; meaning of "usable" is negotiated and constructed.
· E.g. Religion and the Angels vs. Rangers. Religion was mentionable on the Angels team but not on the Rangers team and dirty jokes was not mentionable on the Angels team but was mentionable on the Rangers team.
· E.g. Racial, ethnic, religious, gender, or sexuality slurs or jokes. Different jokes in front of family and friends.
F: Functional
· Perceived congruence with goals/needs of some or all group members.
· E.g. First-come, first-bat batting practice.
·Often it is about problem-solving; sometimes it is about entertainment and social solidarity.
A: Appropriate
·Needs to fit the existing social structure (interpersonal networks and power relations)
·E.g. Nicknames. Nickname needs to be adjusted in the proper hierarchy. Popular kids and coaches, people in positions of power have more say in what gets incorporated in idioculture.
T: Triggering Event
·Particular events spark or prompt the selection of one item from the many that are K,U,F, and A.
·Recurring events are more relevant to group and therefore prompt selection more often.
whether someone has exhibited a proper amount of gratitude—and even whether gratitude is called for at all—are topics of lay discourse, analyzable as rhetorical claims-making rather than as straightforward rule (Hochschild 1983). We call this form of work ''interpretive emotion management'' (IEM) since the focus of actors' efforts is on managing ideas or assertions about feelings, rather on the management of bodily sensations or expressions (S. R. Harris 2009, Unpublished manuscript).
IEM is clearly conducted at an interpersonal level as well as an individual level (Staske 1998). People label their own feelings, but they also label the feelings of others. In interaction, they help others modify their emotions by adjusting the strength and character of candidate descriptions.
We believe that red-carpet interviews provide an opportune site for the investigation of this type of emotional instantiation.
Celebrities are esthetic and emotional laborers—they must present appropriate fronts both physically and emotionally when they are performing, and so it is not enough to merely look good while walking the red carpet. They display and talk about their emotions in strategic ways as well.
The culturally approved emotional vocabulary for award shows seems to require that celebrities announce that they are ''happy'' or ''excited'' to be there, and/or that they are ''enjoying'' themselves.
Celebrities on the red carpet are accountable to the emotional requirements of their local context, which include the expression of positive feelings like happiness and excitement. Within a red-carpet frame, these interpretations and expressions of emotions are expected.
While expressions of excitement and happiness are the benchmark emotions for celebrities on the red carpet, the possibility remains that not all stars ''actually'' feel that way, and some stars are willing to talk about negative emotions in red-carpet interviews. While admitting to a negative emotion is rare, some celebrities may compare the way they feel now (positive) with the way they felt at past award shows (negative)
· Hip-hop battling is seen as a competitive sport, but also sustains a playful interaction. Individuals will smile, laugh, or make other playful gestures to show that they are not "catching feeling", getting genuinely upset, agitated, or pissed off. In other situations, individuals realize that their comments may have offended their opponent. When this happens, individuals use cues to signal that they are simply playing around and should not be taken seriously.

1. Sustain the playful meanings of battles
2. Nonverbal cuews
a. "I was just playing"
b. "I do not have any hard feelings"
c. when this does not work, onookers step in btwn participants, tell jokes, and use other gestures to defuse escalating tensions
3. Lil Duce vs. Nocando
a. Lil Duce then quickly throws off his jacket, moves closer to Nocando and pushes his open hand a few inches away from Nocando's face - as if he is preparing to fight
b. Still smiling, Nocando takes another sip from his drink before responding back with punchlines instead of challenging Lil Duce to a fight
4. Onlookers tell jokes with new objects and referent or criticize what the participants say about each other - both of which defuse tensions btwn participants
5. Rappers in the cipher take turns rapping with eachother. The person who wants to rap uses verbal cues to signal to the person currecntly rapping that they want to "got on stage" however, when transitons do not go smoothly, participants feel disrespected by each other and call each other out for rap battles
6. Rappers laughing at comments that their opponent makes about them
7. "giving daps" to admit defeat
Lopez: nurses experience genuine feelings of care for their patients, which contrast Hochschild by not having to match up emotions with that expected from the work place (emotional labor)
However, although the concept of emotional labor has a long pedigree and has been confirmed countless times in the literature, it does not really fit what I sawat the Pines. Here I did not observe management
imposing specific feeling rules for workers like Molly to follow. Instead, I found in the Pines an organization that self-consciously tried to create structural opportunities for meaningful social relationships between caregivers
and clients. The distinction I draw between the Pines' approach and emotional labor, thus, turns on the difference between organizational imposition of feeling rules (the sine qua non of emotional labor) and organizational support for ongoing human relationships in which the emotional rules can be renegotiated by the participants.

At the Meadows, workers not only experienced their interactions with residents as inauthentic but also moralized
privately about residents' behavior. At the Lakes, frontline staff (aides and
housekeepers) experienced many aspects of their interactions with residents
as authentic but were compelled by organizational imperatives to ignore
much of residents' loneliness and emotional suffering. And at the Pines,
frontline staff not only experienced their interactions with residents as
authentic but also were spared emotional labor by the presence of an
expanded activities program that provided residents with alternative
opportunities for sociability
Smith: The present study of professional wrestlers extends and refines current research on emotional labor in three main respects. First, professional wrestlers (at the "indy" level studied here) are not performing for their immediate livelihood, hence their work is not driven by financial incentives. This voluntary emotional labor—work that is an aspect of business entertainment though not directly imposed by profit-driven schema—allows us to examine the association between emotional labor and identity as shaped within the context of a recreational physical activity Second, instead of traditional emotion labor, which is intended to produce a "sense of being cared for in a convivial and safe place" (Hochschild 1983: 7)—work that produces "soft emotions" (Price 1994), traditionally coded as feminine—pro wrestling is physical work intended to create passionate feelings of contempt, indignation, and suspense among the audience. Positive feelings like adoration and appreciation are also summoned, but only in conjunction with a more "evil" emotion worker. Therefore, the study provides a close look at the work that goes into "surface acts" (Hochschild 1983) of hostility and aggression, acts that are less examined in the literature
3rd: joint performance of emotional labor.4 The performance is an enactment of a duel between two or more fighters who are, in actuality, colluding with one another.