PSYC 3100 Chapter ten
Terms in this set (80)
True/False: People are more likely to help someone in an emergency if the potential rewards seem high and the potential costs seem low.
True - For both emergency situations and more long-term, well-planned helping, people's helping behaviors are determined in part by a cost-benefit analysis.
True/False: In an emergency, a person who needs help has a much better chance of getting it if three other people are present than if only one other person is present.
False - In several ways, the presence of others inhibits helping.
True/False: People are much more likely to help someone when they're in a good mood.
True - Compared to neutral moods, good moods tend to elicit more helping and other prosocial behaviors.
True/False: People are much less likely to help someone when they're in a bad mood.
False - Compared to neutral moods, negative moods often elicit more helping and prosocial behaviors. This effect depends on a number of factors, including whether people take responsibility for their bad mood or blame it on others, but in many circumstances, feeling bad leads to doing good.
True/False: Attractive people have a better chance than unattractive people of getting help when they need it.
True - People are more likely to help those who are attractive.
True/False: Women seek help more often than men do.
True - At least for relatively minor problems, men ask for help less frequently than women do.
Motivated by the desire to improve another's welfare.
arousal: cost-reward model
The proposition that people react to emergency situations by acting in the most cost-effective way to reduce the arousal of shock and alarm.
Reluctance to help for fear of making a bad impression on observers.
The effect whereby the presence of others inhibits helping.
diffusion of responsibility
The belief that others will or should take the responsibility for providing assistance to a person in need.
Motivated by the desire to increase one's own welfare.
The proposition that empathic concern for a person in need produces an altruistic motive for helping.
Understanding or vicariously experiencing another individual's perspective and feeling sympathy and compassion for that individual.
Preferential helping of genetic relatives, which results in the greater likelihood that genes held in common will survive.
negative state relief model
The proposition that people help others in order to counteract their own feelings of sadness.
The state in which people in a group mistakenly think that their own individual thoughts, feelings, or behaviors are different from those of the others in the group.
Actions intended to benefit others.
A general rule of conduct reflecting standards of social approval and disapproval.
Many animals groom each other, whether they are chimpanzees in Tanzania or young girls in the United States. According to evolutionary psychologists, such behavior often reflects
More than 27% of the U.S. population did at least some volunteer work between September 2010 and September 2011, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Five steps that lead to providing assistance:
1. Notice that something is happening; 2. Interpret event as an emergency; 3. Take responsibility for providing help; 4. Decide how to help; 5. Provide help.
The legacy of the bystander intervention research lives on today as it is being applied to
programs designed to encourage witnesses to destructive behaviors such as bullying and sexual assault to take action.
Three people involved in bullying:
Bully, victim and bystander
Why feeling good leads to doing good.:
Desire to maintain one's good mood. When we are in a good mood, we are motivated to maintain that mood. Helping others makes us feel good, so it can help maintain a positive mood.; Positive thoughts and expectations. Positive moods trigger positive thoughts, and if we have positive thoughts about others, we should like them more and should have positive expectations about interacting with others, and these factors should make us more likely to help them.
When feeling good might not lead to doing good:
Costs of helping are high. If the anticipated costs of helping in a particular situation seem high, helping would put our good mood at risk. In this case, if we can avoid getting involved and thus maintain our good mood, we are less likely to help.; Positive thoughts about other social activities that conflict with helping. If our good mood makes us want to go out and party with our friends, our motivation to engage in this social activity may prevent us from taking the time to notice or take responsibility for helping someone in need.
Research shows that people in negative moods are often more likely to help someone in need than are people in neutral moods. however, there are several limitations to this effect.
When negative moods make us more likely to help others:
If we take responsibility for what caused our bad mood.; If we focus on other people; If we think about our personal values that promote helping.
When negative moods make us less likely to help others
If we blame others for our bad mood; If we become very self-focused; If we think about our personal values that do not promote helping.
men are less likely to seek help than women,possibly because
it is more threatening to their self-esteem.
Evolutionary perspectives emphasize two ways that helping could become an innate,
universal behavioral tendency: kin selection, in which individuals protect their own genes by helping close relatives, and reciprocal altruism, in which those who give also receive
Various primates have been observed to show some relatively elaborate examples of
reciprocal altruism and cooperation.
understanding the emotional experience of another individual and experiencing emotions consistent with what the other is feeling.
Recent work examines how
seemingly higher-order, uniquely human constructs such as morality and empathy are evolved characteristics.
Many primates seem to exhibit empathy both in laboratory and natural settings.
People are much more likely to help when the potential rewards of helping seem
high relative to the potential costs.
Helping others often makes the helper feel good, it can relieve negative feelings such as guilt, and it is associated with
better health. Long term or high risk helping, however, can be costly to the health and well being of the helper.
People who are feeling bad may be inclined to help others in order to
feel relief from their negative mood.
Some situations call to mind norms that promote particular kinds of self-sacrificing, helpful behaviors.
Scholars have debated whether egoistic motives are always behind helpful behaviors or whether helping is ever truly altruistic.
According to the empathy-altruism hypothesis, taking the perspective of a person perceived to be in need creates the other-oriented emotion of empathic concern, which in turn produces
the altruistic motive to reduce the other's distress.
A number of studies have supported the empathy-altruism hypothesis, for example by demonstrating that
when people are altruistically motivated, they will help even when escaping from the helping situation is easy. However, there are limits to the role of altruism in helping behavior.
Longer-term acts of helping, such as volunteerism, reflect both altruistic and egoistic motivations. Self-interested goals in this context can be a good thing because
they promote a commitment to helping behavior to the extent that such goals are met.
Research on the bystander effect, which the presence of others inhibits helping in an emergency, indicates
why the five steps necessary for helping-noticing, interpreting, taking responsibility, deciding how to help, and providing help - may not be taken.
The distractions caused by the presence of other people and by our own self-concerns may
impair our ability to notice that someone needs help.
The presence of others can make bystanders
less likely to interpret a situation as an emergency, possibly through the pluralistic ignorance created by everyone trying to appear unconcerned.
People may fail to take responsibility because they assume that others will do so - a phenomenon called
diffusion of responsibility.
Bystanders are less likely to offer direct aid when they
do not feel competent to do so.
Even if people want to help, they may not do so if they fear that behaving in a helpful fashion will
make them look foolish.
The bystander effect occurs even in online contexts, when the bystanders are not physically present.
The legacy of the bystander effect research and of the Kitty Genovese tragedy that inspired it endures, even as revisions are suggested to some of the research conclusions or to some of the details of the Genovese case.
The bystander effect has been examined in the context of understanding problems such
as sexual assault, bullying, and animal abuse, and it has inspired numerous intervention programs.
When people are in a hurry, they are less likely to
notice or choose to help others in need.
Residents of heavily populated areas are less likely to
provide spontaneous, informal help to strangers than are residents of smaller or less densely populated communities.
Cross-cultural research has found variation in the helping rates of people in cities around the world. According to one study, people in cities with relatively low levels of economic well being were somewhat more likely to
help strangers, and people from simpatia cultures were more likely to help strangers than people from non-simpatia cultures.
Research concerning the relationship between individualism-collectivism and helping has yielded rather mixed results. According to some analyses, collectivists may be
more responsive than individualists to the immediate needs of a particular person but less helpful in more abstract situations.
A good mood increases
People in a good mood may help in order to
maintain their positive mood or because they have more positive thoughts and expectations about helpful behavior, about the person in need, or about social activities in general.
A bad mood can often increase helpfulness, for example when people feel guilty about something.
People in a bad mood may be motivated to
help others in order to improve their mood.
A bad mood is less likely to increase helpfulness if the bad mood is attributed to
the fault of others or if it causes the person to become very self-focused.
Playing video games featuring prosocial content, and watching prosocial television, are both associated with
increased prosocial behavior.
Observing a person modeling helpful behavior increases
Social norms that promote helping are based on
a sense of fairness or on standards about what is right.
There is some evidence of relatively stable individual differences in helping tendencies.
Recent findings suggest that there may be a genetic, heritable component to helpfulness.
Attractive individuals are more likely to receive help than are those who are less attractive.
People are more willing to help when they attribute a person's need for assistance to
uncontrollable causes rather than to events perceived to be under the person's control.
People in a communal relationship feel mutual responsibility for each other's' needs: people in an exchange relationship are more likely to
keep track of how reciprocal the relationship is in terms of costs and benefits.
In general, perceived similarity to a person in need increases willingness to help.
People are more likely to help members of their ingroups.
Research on the role of race in helping has yielded inconsistent results.
Men help strangers in potentially dangerous situations more than women do: women help friends and relations with social support more than men do. The evidence for gender differences is not strong for acts of helping that
do not easily fit either of these categories.
Compared to women, men are more hesitant to
seek help, especially for relatively minor problems.
Some research has shown that people with a collectivistic orientation may be less likely to help
outgroup members or strangers than are those with an individualistic orientation.
Some personality traits are associated with helpful behavioral tendencies in some situations, but no one set of traits appears to define the altruistic personality.
Qualities that do predict helping behaviors are
agreeableness, humility, empathy, and advanced moral reasoning.
A study found that attributions of how responsible a person in need was for their situation played a stronger role in individualists' decisions to help the person than it did in collectivists' decisions to help.
In contrast, perceptions of how much the person in need contributes to society affected collectivists' decisions to help more than it affected individualists decisions.
Asian and Asian American students tend to be more hesitant to seek social support than European Americans, and when they do receive social support, they tend to find receiving it
more stressful. Asian and Asian American students may prefer social support that is more implicit than explicit.
Theory and research seem to indicate that helping requires
the recognition of meaningful connections among individuals.