Only $2.99/month

The American Pageant Study Guide Chapter 15 APUSH

Terms in this set (200)

Mormon: The name given to members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. It started out as a derogatory nickname from the Book of Mormon. Now, it's a nickname commonly used by members and non-members.
Joseph Smith: As the founder of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, he served as the first prophet-leader in this dispensation. According to his accounts, he saw God and Jesus Christ. He also saw the angel Moroni, who led him to golden plates. Through divine revelation, he translated these plates into the Book of Mormon. Joseph Smith led the Mormons until he was martyred by an angry mob on June 27, 1844.
Brigham Young: Brigham Young was Joseph Smith's successor as the prophet and leader of the Mormon church. He led members west to the Rocky Mountains and served as the governor of the territory. Also, he led the efforts in expanding the telegraph and railroad lines, and founded BYU and the University of Deseret (now known as the University of Utah).
Polygamist: Select members of the Mormon church practiced polygamy from about 1847-1890. A man who practiced polygamy would have multiple wives.

Grandin Building-Mormons APUSH-magoosh
Photo of the Book of Mormon Historical Publication site by JonRidinger

Key years
Spring 1820: Joseph Smith's first vision
March 1830: The Book of Mormon first published
April 6, 1830: Church organized
June 27, 1844: Joseph Smith martyred
1847-1869: Mormons migrate to Utah

Key events
First Vision: In the Spring of 1820, Joseph Smith went to a grove of trees in Palmyra, New York. He said that he knelt to pray and was visited by God and Jesus Christ, who instructed him to restore the church Jesus Christ founded when he lived on the earth.
The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon: After being visited by the angel Moroni on September 22-23, 1823, Joseph Smith learned about golden plates hidden in the Hill Cumorah in New York. He received these plates on September 22, 1827 and started translating them through divine revelation. He completed this translation in June 1829 and published the translation as the Book of Mormon
Church Organized: The Church was officially organized on April 6, 1830 in Fayette Township, New York. Joseph Smith followed the laws of the state of New York for the creation of new churches.
Gathering in Ohio: As missionaries spread the message of the Mormon church and people converted to this new religion, they started to gather in Ohio. This occurred between December 1830 and January 1831. Due to persecution, the Mormons moved to Nauvoo, Illinois a short time later.
Martyrdom: Joseph Smith was martyred on June 27, 1844. After being jailed on false charges, an angry mob broke down the doors and shot Joseph Smith and his brother, Hyrum.
Migration to Utah: Due to persecution and a revelation from God, Brigham Young led the migration to the Rocky Mountains. The Mormons left Illinois on February 6, 1846. They arrived in the Salt Lake Valley on July 24, 1847.
What are some example Mormons APUSH questions?
1. What delayed the statehood for Utah?
A. The President had to send troops to Utah to squash a Mormon uprising.
B. The railroad lines didn't extend to Utah, making it hard to communicate with people there.
C. Polygamy was practiced in Utah, which was illegal in the United States.
D. Mormons wanted an oligarchy government with the prophet as the leader.

2. One of the reasons Mormons settled in Utah was:
A. because they followed the Gold Rush in hopes of striking it rich.
B. to escape persecution at the hands of non-members in the East.
C. because the angel Moroni told the prophet to lead the people there.
D. to find more fertile soil for the utopian society they hoped to create.

3. All of the following are reasons for Mormon persecution EXCEPT:
A. they didn't own slaves, worrying slave owners that they would fight to end slavery.
B. the cooperative community feel, which could give them greater political power.
C. polygamy, or plural marriage, that some members practiced.
D. an unwillingness to vote for local or presidential elections.

4. Who was the first latter-day prophet of the Mormon religion?
A. Brigham Young
B. Wilford Woodruff
C. John Taylor
D. Joseph Smith

Correct answers:
1. C. Laws passed in the United States made the practice of polygamy illegal. The president at the time, Woodruff Wilson, sent a Manifesto to members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to end the practice of polygamy on October 6, 1890.

2. B. Mormons moved from place to place, persecuted for their beliefs and way of life. Although they first gathered in Ohio, they eventually moved to Illinois and then Utah.

3. D. Because they didn't own slaves, practiced polygamy, and enjoyed a cooperative community, some non-members persecuted Mormon members. Mormons were assaulted, their homes were burned, and their property was destroyed. This led them to eventually migrate to Utah.

4. D. Joseph Smith is the founder of the Mormon religion. Also, he's the first prophet and president of the church.

During the Second Great Awakening in America, there was a religious revival. Many religions were created, including Mormonism. It continues to be a fast-growing religion in America and around the globe.
an American lexicographer, textbook pioneer, English-language spelling reformer, political writer, editor, and prolific author. He has been called the "Father of American Scholarship and Education". His blue-backed speller books taught five generations of American children how to spell and read. Webster's name has become synonymous with "dictionary" in the United States, especially the modern Merriam-Webster dictionary that was first published in 1828 as An American Dictionary of the English Language.

Born in West Hartford, Connecticut, Webster graduated from Yale College in 1778. He passed the bar examination after studying law under Oliver Ellsworth and others, but was unable to find work as a lawyer. He found some financial success by opening a private school and writing a series of educational books, including the "Blue-Backed Speller." A strong supporter of the American Revolution and the ratification of the United States Constitution, Webster hoped his educational works would provide an intellectual foundation for American nationalism.

In 1793, Alexander Hamilton recruited Webster to move to New York City and become an editor for a Federalist Party newspaper. He became a prolific author, publishing newspaper articles, political essays, and textbooks. He returned to Connecticut in 1798 and served in the Connecticut House of Representatives. Webster founded the Connecticut Society for the Abolition of Slavery in 1791 but later became somewhat disillusioned with the abolitionist movement.

In 1806, Webster published his first dictionary, A Compendious Dictionary of the English Language. The following year, he started working on an expanded and comprehensive dictionary, finally publishing it in 1828. He was very influential in popularizing certain spellings in the United States. He was also influential in establishing the Copyright Act of 1831, the first major statutory revision of U.S. copyright law. While working on a second volume of his dictionary, Webster died in 1843, and the rights to the dictionary were acquired by George and Charles Merriam.
The Greek Revival was an architectural movement of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, predominantly in Northern Europe and the United States. A product of Hellenism, it may be looked upon as the last phase in the development of Neoclassical architecture. The term was first used by Charles Robert Cockerell in a lecture he gave as Professor of Architecture to the Royal Academy of Arts, London in 1842.

With a newfound access to Greece, or initially the books produced by the few who had actually been able to visit the sites, archaeologist-architects of the period studied the Doric and Ionic orders. In each country it touched, the style was looked on as the expression of local nationalism and civic virtue, and freedom from the lax detail and frivolity that was thought to characterize the architecture of France and Italy, two countries where the style never really took hold. This was especially the case in Britain, Germany and the United States, where the idiom was regarded as being free from ecclesiastical and aristocratic associations.

The taste for all things Greek in furniture and interior design, sometimes called Neo-Grec, was at its peak by the beginning of the 19th century, when the designs of Thomas Hope had influenced a number of decorative styles known variously as Neoclassical, Empire, Russian Empire, and Regency architecture in Britain. Greek Revival architecture took a different course in a number of countries, lasting until the Civil War in America (1860s) and even later in Scotland.
The Industrial Revolution was the transition to new manufacturing processes in the period from about 1760 to sometime between 1820 and 1840. This transition included going from hand production methods to machines, new chemical manufacturing and iron production processes, the increasing use of steam power, the development of machine tools and the rise of the factory system.

Textiles were the dominant industry of the Industrial Revolution in terms of employment, value of output and capital invested; the textile industry was also the first to use modern production methods.

The Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain, and many of the technological innovations were British.[2] By the mid-18th century Britain controlled a global trading empire with colonies in North America and Africa, and with some political influence on the Indian subcontinent, through the activities of the East India Company. The development of trade and the rise business were major causes of the Industrial Revolution.

The Industrial Revolution marks a major turning point in history; almost every aspect of daily life was influenced in some way. In particular, average income and population began to exhibit unprecedented sustained growth. Some economists say that the major impact of the Industrial Revolution was that the standard of living for the general population began to increase consistently for the first time in history, although others have said that it did not begin to meaningfully improve until the late 19th and 20th centuries.

GDP per capita was broadly stable before the Industrial Revolution and the emergence of the modern capitalist economy, while the Industrial Revolution began an era of per-capita economic growth in capitalist economies. Economic historians are in agreement that the onset of the Industrial Revolution is the most important event in the history of humanity since the domestication of animals and plants.
The precise start and end of the Industrial Revolution is still debated among historians, as is the pace of economic and social changes.
Eric Hobsbawm held that the Industrial Revolution began in Britain in the 1780s and was not fully felt until the 1830s or 1840s, while T. S. Ashton held that it occurred roughly between 1760 and 1830.
Rapid industrialization first began in Britain, starting with mechanized spinning in the 1780s, with high rates of growth in steam power and iron production occurring after 1800. Mechanized textile production spread from Great Britain to continental Europe and the United States in the early 19th century, with important centres of textiles, iron and coal emerging in Belgium and the United States and later textiles in France.

An economic recession occurred from the late 1830s to the early 1840s when the adoption of the original innovations of the Industrial Revolution, such as mechanized spinning and weaving, slowed and their markets matured. Innovations developed late in the period, such as the increasing adoption of locomotives, steamboats and steamships, hot blast iron smelting and new technologies, such as the electrical telegraph, widely introduced in the 1840s and 1850s, were not powerful enough to drive high rates of growth. Rapid economic growth began to occur after 1870, springing from a new group of innovations in what has been called the Second Industrial Revolution. These new innovations included new steel making processes, the large-scale manufacture of machine tools and the use of increasingly advanced machinery in steam-powered factories
As the more radical implications of the scientific and cultural influences of the Enlightenment began to be felt in the Protestant churches, especially in the 19th century, Liberal Christianity, exemplified especially by numerous theologians in Germany in the 19th century, sought to bring the churches alongside of the broad revolution that modernism represented. In doing so, new critical approaches to the Bible were developed, new attitudes became evident about the role of religion in society, and a new openness to questioning the nearly universally accepted definitions of Christian orthodoxy began to become obvious.

In reaction to these developments, Christian fundamentalism was a movement to reject the radical influences of philosophical humanism, as this was affecting the Christian religion. Especially targeting critical approaches to the interpretation of the Bible and trying to blockade the inroads made into their churches by atheistic scientific assumptions, the fundamentalists began to appear in various denominations as numerous independent movements of resistance to the drift away from historic Christianity. Over time, the Fundamentalist Evangelical movement has divided into two main wings, with the label Fundamentalist following one branch, while Evangelical has become the preferred banner of the more moderate movement. Although both movements primarily originated in the English speaking world, the majority of Evangelicals now live elsewhere in the world.

After the Reformation, Protestant groups continued to splinter, leading to a range of new theologies. The Enthusiasts were so named because of their emotional zeal. These included the Methodists, the Quakers, and the Baptists. Another group sought to reconcile Christian faith with modernist ideas, sometimes causing them to reject beliefs they considered to be illogical, including the Nicene creed and Chalcedonian Creed. These included Unitarians and Universalists. A major issue for Protestants became the degree to which people contribute to their salvation. The debate is often viewed as synergism versus monergism, though the labels Calvinist and Arminian are more frequently used, referring to the conclusion of the Synod of Dort.

The 19th century saw the rise of Biblical criticism, new knowledge of religious diversity in other continents, and above all the growth of science. This led many Christians to emphasize the brotherhood, to seeing miracles as myths, and to emphasize a moral approach with religion as lifestyle rather than revealed truth.

Liberal Christianity
Liberal Christianity—sometimes called liberal theology—reshaped Protestantism. Liberal Christianity is an umbrella term covering diverse, philosophically informed movements and moods within 19th and 20th century Christianity. Despite its name, liberal Christianity has always been thoroughly protean. The word liberal in liberal Christianity does not refer to a leftist political agenda but rather to insights developed during the Age of Enlightenment. Generally speaking, Enlightenment-era liberalism held that people are political creatures and that liberty of thought and expression should be their highest value. The development of liberal Christianity owes a lot to the works of theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher. As a whole, liberal Christianity is a product of a continuing philosophical dialogue.

Protestant Europe[edit]

Global Protestantism, 1710
Historian Kenneth Scott Latourette argues that the outlook for Protestantism at the start of the 19th century was discouraging. It was a regional religion based in northwestern Europe, with an outpost in the sparsely settled United States. It was closely allied with government, as in Scandinavia, the Netherlands, Prussia, and especially Great Britain. The alliance came at the expense of independence, as the government made the basic policy decisions, down to such details as the salaries of ministers and location of new churches. The dominant intellectual currents of the Enlightenment promoted rationalism, and most Protestant leaders preached a sort of deism. Intellectually, the new methods of historical and anthropological study undermine automatic acceptance of biblical stories, as did the sciences of geology and biology. Industrialization was a strongly negative factor, as workers who moved to the city seldom joined churches. The gap between the church and the unchurched grew rapidly, and secular forces, based both in socialism and liberalism undermine the prestige of religion. Despite the negative forces, Protestantism demonstrated a striking vitality by 1900. Shrugging off Enlightenment rationalism, Protestants embraced romanticism, with the stress on the personal and the invisible. Entirely fresh ideas as expressed by Friedrich Schleiermacher, Soren Kierkegaard, Albrecht Ritschl and Adolf von Harnack restored the intellectual power of theology. There was more attention to historic creeds such as the Augsburg, the Heidelberg, and the Westminster confessions. The stirrings of pietism on the Continent, and evangelicalism in Britain expanded enormously, leading the devout away from an emphasis on formality and ritual and toward an inner sensibility toward personal relationship to Christ. Social activities, in education and in opposition to social vices such as slavery, alcoholism and poverty provided new opportunities for social service. Above all, worldwide missionary activity became a highly prized goal, proving quite successful in close cooperation with the imperialism of the British, German, and Dutch empires.
Such reforms included the foundation of seminaries for the proper training of priests in the spiritual life and the theological traditions of the Church, the reform of religious life by returning orders to their spiritual foundations, and new spiritual movements focusing on the devotional life and a personal relationship with Christ, including the Spanish mystics and the French school of spirituality.

It also involved political activities that included the Roman Inquisition. One primary emphasis of the Counter-Reformation was a mission to reach parts of the world that had been colonized as predominantly Catholic and also try to reconvert areas such as Sweden and England that were at one time Catholic, but had been Protestantized during the Reformation.

Various Counter-Reformation theologians focused only on defending doctrinal positions such as the sacraments and pious practices that were attacked by the Protestant reformers up to the Second Vatican Council in 1962-1965. One of the "most dramatic moments" at that Council was the intervention of Belgian Bishop Emil de Smedt when, during the debate on the nature of the Church, he called for an end to the "triumphalism, clericalism, and legalism" that had typified the Church in the previous centuries.

Key events of the period include: the Council of Trent (1545-1563); the excommunication of Elizabeth I (1570) and the Battle of Lepanto (1571), both occurring during the pontificate of Sixtus V; the adoption of the Gregorian Calendar and the Jesuit China mission of Matteo Ricci under Gregory XIII; the French Wars of Religion; the Long Turkish War and the execution of Giordano Bruno in 1600, under Pope Clement VIII; the trial against Galileo Galilei; the final phase of the Thirty years' war (1618-1648) during the pontificate of Innocent X; and the formation of the last Holy League by Innocent XI during the Great Turkish War.
Alexis de Tocqueville was the French author of Democracy in America (1835), perhaps the best, and certainly the most widely-quoted book ever written about the United States. He was unusual for his time in many ways. One way in which he stood out in nineteenth-century France was his attitude towards religion.

Then as now, many people who held deep religious convictions were suspicious of democracy. In nineteenth-century France the dominant religion was Catholicism, and many devout French Catholics thought their religion incompatible with democracy. Many religious conservatives wanted to preserve a national religion with a special role in the state, and did not think that a secular democracy in which faith would be left to a citizen's private choice would serve that goal. On the other side, many on the nineteenth-century French left thought that Catholicism had to be fought in order to establish real democracy.

In contrast, Tocqueville stood out as a friend of religion who was also a friend of freedom. He thought that a vibrant religious life was essential to the preservation and prosperity of a free democratic society. Tocqueville thought that religion (and he was favorable to almost any kind of religion) was essential to democracy for many reasons. Probably the most important one was that Tocqueville thought that organized religion was the only possible long-term counterweight to some of the main threats democracy faced: materialism on the one hand and religious fanaticism on the other.

With regard to materialism, Tocqueville thought that in democratic societies, where no one had a position secured by birth or aristocratic title, there was a strong tendency for people to become totally absorbed in the search for material possessions.

Unfortunately, people who cared only about such things were apt to sacrifice their political freedom if it seemed like it might interfere with making a living, or at least to become apathetic towards their communities, concerned only with the needs of themselves and their own families. Tocqueville called this attitude "individualism", and he thought that one of the best ways to fight it was through religion. Religion taught people that there were things in the universe more important than money, and encouraged them to lift their eyes beyond the petty concerns of daily life and concentrate on higher and more distant goals.

Organized religion could also help defuse the threat of religious fanaticism. Tocqueville was afraid that in a materialistic society, a minority of human beings, reacting in disgust against what they saw around them, would become religious fanatics and adopt extreme views. Rather than attempting to persuade their fellow citizens to look up to the heavens, they might attempt to force them to do so.
a philosophical position that posits that God (or in some cases, gods) does not interfere directly with the world; conversely it can also be stated as a system of belief which posits God's existence as the cause of all things, and admits His perfection (and usually the existence of natural law and Providence) but rejects Divine revelation or direct intervention of God in the universe by miracles. It also rejects revelation as a source of religious knowledge and asserts that reason and observation of the natural world are sufficient to determine the existence of a single creator or absolute principle of the universe.

Deism gained prominence among intellectuals during the Age of Enlightenment, especially in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States. Typically, these had been raised as Christians and believed in one God, but they had become disenchanted with organized religion and orthodox teachings such as the Trinity, Biblical inerrancy, and the supernatural interpretation of events, such as miracles. Included in those influenced by its ideas were leaders of the American and French Revolutions.

Today, deism is considered to exist in the classical and modern forms, where the classical view takes what is called a "cold" approach by asserting the non-intervention of deity in the natural behavior of the created universe, while the modern deist formulation can be either "warm" (citing an involved deity) or "cold" (citing an uninvolved deity). These lead to many subdivisions of modern deism, which tends, therefore, to serve as an overall category of belief.
Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), sixteenth president of the United States of America. He never joined any church and has been described as a "Christian deist". As a young man, he was religiously skeptical and sometimes ridiculed revivalists. During his early years, Lincoln enjoyed reading the works of deists such as Thomas Paine and Voltaire. He drafted a pamphlet incorporating such ideas but did not publish it. After charges of hostility to Christianity almost cost him a congressional bid, he kept his unorthodox beliefs private. James Adams labelled Lincoln as a deist. In 1834, he reportedly wrote a manuscript essay challenging orthodox Christianity modelled on Paine's book The Age of Reason, which a friend supposedly burned to protect him from ridicule. He seemed to believe in an all-powerful God, who shaped events and, by 1865, was expressing those beliefs in major speeches.
Adam Smith (1723-1790), Scottish Philosopher and economist; considered the father of modern economics
Benjamin Franklin (1706-90), American polymath; one of the Founding Fathers of the United States
Ernest Rutherford (1871-1937), New Zealand chemist and "father" of nuclear physics, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1908 "for his investigations into the disintegration of the elements, and the chemistry of radioactive substances".
Friedrich Schiller (1759-1805), German poet, philosopher, historian, and playwright.
Gottfried Leibniz (1646-1716), German mathematician and philosopher. He is best known for developing infinitesimal calculus independently of Isaac Newton, and his mathematical notation has been widely used ever since it was published. He has also been labeled a Christian as well.
Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729-1781), German writer, philosopher, dramatist, publicist, and art critic
George Washington (1732-1799), one of the Founding Fathers of the United States and the 1st President of the United States
Harish-Chandra (1923-1983), Indian mathematician, who did fundamental work in representation theory, especially Harmonic analysis on semisimple Lie groups.
Harmony Korine (1973-), American film director, producer, screenwriter, and author.
Henrik Wergeland (1808-1845), Norwegian poet and theologist (by self-definition).
Hermann Weyl (1885-1955), German mathematician and theoretical physicist.
Humphry Davy (1778-1829), British chemist and inventor.[35]
James Heckman (1944-), American economist who shared the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 2000 for his pioneering work in econometrics and microeconomics.
James Hutton (1726-1797), Scottish physician, geologist, naturalist, chemical manufacturer and experimental agriculturalist. His work helped to establish the basis of modern geology. His theories of geology and geologic time, also called deep time, came to be included in theories which were called plutonism and uniformitarianism.
James Madison (1751-1836), "Father of the United States Constitution", one of the Founding Fathers of the United States, and the 4th President of the United States
James Watt (1736-1819), Scottish inventor and mechanical engineer whose improvements to the Newcomen steam engine were fundamental to the changes brought by the Industrial Revolution in both his native Great Britain and the rest of the world.
John Locke (1632-1704), influential English philosopher in the field of empiricism
Jules Verne (1828-1905), French author who pioneered the science fiction genre in Europe. He is best known for his novels Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea, Journey to the Center of the Earth, and Around the World in Eighty Days.
Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519), Italian Renaissance polymath: painter, sculptor, architect, musician, scientist, mathematician, engineer, inventor, anatomist, geologist, cartographer, botanist, and writer.
Luis Walter Alvarez (1911-1988), American experimental physicist and inventor, who spent nearly all of his long professional career on the faculty of the University of California, Berkeley. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1968, and took out over 40 patents, some of which led to commercial products.
Lysander Spooner (1808-1887), American anarchist, philosopher and abolitionist
Mark Twain (1835-1910), American author and humorist.
Maximilien Robespierre (1758-94), French revolutionary and lawyer
Mikhail Lomonosov (1711-1765), Russian polymath, scientist and writer, who made important contributions to literature, education, and science. Among his discoveries was the atmosphere of Venus. His spheres of science were natural science, chemistry, physics, mineralogy, history, art, philology, optical devices and others. Lomonosov was also a poet and influenced the formation of the modern Russian literary language.
Moses Mendelssohn (1729-1796), German philosopher influential in the Jewish Haskalah
Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), French military and political leader
Neil Armstrong (1930-2012), American NASA astronaut, test pilot, aerospace engineer, university professor, United States Naval Aviator, and the first person to set foot upon the Moon.
Nick Cave (1957-), Australian musician, songwriter, poet, author and actor.
Paul Davies (1946-), British physicist and science writer and broadcaster
Rodrigo Duterte (1945-), 16th President of the Philippines.
Simon Newcomb (1835-1909), Canadian-American astronomer and mathematician.
Thomas Alva Edison (1847-1931), American inventor and businessman.
Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), author of the Jefferson Bible, an American Founding Father, the principal author of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, and the third President of the United States.[
Thomas Paine (1737-1809), English pamphleteer, revolutionary, radical, inventor, and intellectual, and one of the Founding Fathers of the United States
Victor Hugo (1802-85), French writer, artist, activist and statesman
Voltaire (1694-1778), French Enlightenment writer and philosopher
Walter Kohn (1923-), Austrian-born American theoretical physicist. He was awarded, with John Pople, the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1998.
William Lloyd Garrison (1805-1879), American abolitionist, journalist, and social reformer. He is best known as the editor of the abolitionist newspaper The Liberator, and was one of the founders of the American Anti-Slavery Society, he promoted "immediate emancipation" of slaves in the United States.
In sparsely populated areas of the United States it always has been common for clergy in many denominations to serve more than one congregation at a time, a form of church organization sometimes called a "preaching circuit". In the contemporary United Methodist Church, a minister serving more than one church has a "(number of churches) point charge". However, in the rough frontier days of the early United States, the pattern of organization in the Methodist Episcopal denomination and its successors worked especially well in the service of rural villages and unorganized settlements. In the Methodist denominations, congregations do not "call" (or employ) a pastor of their own choice. Instead, a bishop "appoints" (assigns) a pastor to a congregation or a group of congregations, and until late in the 20th century, neither pastor nor congregation had any say in the appointment. This meant that in the early days of the United States, as the population developed, Methodist clergy could be appointed to circuits wherever people were settling.

A "circuit" (nowadays referred to as a charge) was a geographic area that encompassed two or more local churches. Pastors met each year at "Annual Conference" where their bishops would appoint them either to a new circuit or to remain at the same one. Most often they were moved to another appointment every year. (In 1804, the Methodist Episcopal General Conference decreed that no pastor was to serve the same appointment for more than two consecutive years.) Once a pastor was assigned a circuit, it was his responsibility to conduct worship and visit members of each church in his charge on a regular basis in addition to possibly establishing new churches. He was supervised by a Presiding Elder (now called a District Superintendent) who would visit each charge four times a year (the "Quarterly Conference").
Lawyer, theologian and college president, Charles Grandison Finney was also the most famous revivalist of the Second Great Awakening. He did not merely lead revivals; he actively marketed, promoted and packaged them. Unlike other ministers who waited for the Spirit to deliver the right moment, Finney argued that men and women of faith had to take the initiative and act: "More than five thousand millions have gone down to hell, while the church has been dreaming, and waiting for God to save them without the use of means."

To attract more converts, Finney introduced a series of innovations, called New Measures, which included the "anxious bench," where would-be converts could contemplate their decision for Christ. More than any other historical figure, he made revivals a standard feature of the American religious landscape.

Intent upon saving individual souls, Finney also sought to expand the role of women, to strengthen the churches and to bring about social reform. Women's prayer groups had often served as a base to engage the larger community during revivals. Finney allowed and encouraged women to speak at prayer meetings, in the presence of both men and women. Some ministers condemned this innovation, describing the meetings as "promiscuous assemblies," but by the end of the century, it had become accepted practice for many denominations.

Finney also argued that both men and women had a moral obligation to be active in social reform. His background as a lawyer enabled him to weave together a logical argument methodically. Coupled with his theological knowledge and the strength of his conviction, he became a formidable persuader of souls. During his tenure as president of Oberlin College, Finney put his ideas into practice. Founded in 1833, Oberlin became the first college to admit both women and blacks; it also became an important stop on the Underground Railroad, providing moral and practical support to runaway slaves who sought freedom in Canada.

Finney shared the widespread hope and expectation that the millennium was just around the corner; he announced in 1835 that it might occur within three years. He was greatly encouraged at the number of conversions that took place in another great revival just before the outbreak of the Civil War. He reported that as many as 50,000 had occurred in a single week, but added on a more somber note that the revival lost steam as it headed South.

Finney became a controversial figure in the Presbyterian Church. His encouragement of revivals, his emphasis on social action, and his bold and public belief that sin was voluntary were departures from the Presbyterian creed. Calvinist preacher Lyman Beecher strongly objected to Finney's ideas. Upon learning that Finney planned to travel to his home state to preach, Beecher declared: "I know your plan and you know I do. You mean to come into Connecticut, and carry a streak of fire to Boston. But if you do attempt it, as the Lord liveth, I'll meet you at the State line, and call out all the artillery-men, and fight every inch of the way to Boston, and I'll fight you there." According to the historian Sydney Ahlstrom, "In the Presbyterian church the tensions created by his kind of ministry contributed to a recurrence of schism."

In spite of the strife he engendered, Finney is remembered today not as a divisive figure, but rather as the "father of modern revivalism," unifying people around Christ.
The American Revolution had largely been a secular affair. The Founding Fathers clearly demonstrated their opposition to the intermingling of politics and religion by establishing the separation of church and state in the first amendment to the Constitution.

In part because religion was separated from the control of political leaders, a series of religious REVIVALS swept the United States from the 1790s and into the 1830s that transformed the religious landscape of the country. Known today as the SECOND GREAT AWAKENING, this spiritual resurgence fundamentally altered the character of American religion. At the start of the Revolution the largest denominations were CONGREGATIONALISTS (the 18th-century descendants of Puritan churches), ANGLICANS (known after the Revolution as Episcopalians), and Quakers. But by 1800, EVANGELICAL METHODISM and BAPTISTS, were becoming the fasting-growing religions in the nation.

The Second Great Awakening is best known for its large CAMP MEETINGS that led extraordinary numbers of people to convert through an enthusiastic style of preaching and audience participation. A young man who attended the famous 20,000-person revival at Cane Ridge, Kentucky, in 1802, captures the spirit of these camp meetings activity:

The noise was like the roar of Niagara. The vast sea of human beings seemed to be agitated as if by a storm. I counted seven ministers, all preaching at one time, some on stumps, others on wagons ... Some of the people were singing, others praying, some crying for mercy. A peculiarly strange sensation came over me. My heart beat tumultuously, my knees trembled, my lips quivered, and I felt as though I must fall to the ground.

This young man was so moved that he went on to become a Methodist minister. As this quotation suggests, evangelical ministers reached their audience at an emotional level that powerfully moved large crowds.

In 1839, J. Maze Burbank presented this image to the Royal Society in London with the caption: "A camp meeting, or religious revival in America, from a sketch taken on the spot."
The EVANGELICAL impulse at the heart of the Second Great Awakening shared some of the egalitarian thrust of Revolutionary ideals. Evangelical churches generally had a populist orientation that favored ordinary people over elites. For instance, individual piety was seen as more important for salvation than the formal university training required for ministers in traditional Christian churches.

The immense success of the Second Great Awakening was also furthered by evangelical churches innovative organizational techniques. These were well suited to the frontier conditions of newly settled territories. Most evangelical churches relied on itinerant preachers to reach large areas without an established minister and also included important places for lay people who took on major religious and administrative roles within evangelical congregations.

A revival meeting in Indiana
Religion was a central theme of the 1830s; American Protestants branched off into many different denominations, holding in common the need for meetings and revivals.
The Second Great Awakening marked a fundamental transition in American religious life. Many early American religious groups in the CALVINIST tradition had emphasized the deep depravity of human beings and believed they could only be saved through the grace of God. The new evangelical movement, however, placed greater emphasis on humans' ability to change their situation for the better. By stressing that individuals could assert their "FREE WILL" in choosing to be saved and by suggesting that salvation was open to all human beings, the Second Great Awakening embraced a more optimistic view of the human condition. The repeated and varied revivals of these several decades helped make the United States a much more deeply PROTESTANT nation than it had been before.

Finally, the Second Great Awakening also included greater public roles for white women and much higher African-American participation in Christianity than ever before.
We are, in this sense, a secular nation. Nevertheless, complications exist that confound any simple notion of religious neutrality or pure secularism in the national life. Incarnate in our history is a kind of "civil religion" (Robert Bellah) that finds expression in our founding documents, our coins, speeches of presidents, the pledge of allegiance, and so on. This "religion of the Republic" (Sidney Mead) cannot be defined precisely and has no official status, but it has been operative in the national life from the beginning. This "publick theology" (Benjamin Franklin) affirms the reality of God the Creator as the Author of certain human rights such as liberty and equality, gives a sacred dimension to national holidays such as the 4th of July, Memorial Day, and Thanksgiving, and defines a peculiar American duty and destiny under the providence of God. These beliefs are independent of any particular historic religion or denomination, although they echo the sacred writings of Jews and Christians. The presence of "civil religion" in our national life does not justify the claim of some that we are a "Christian nation." It is not grounds for promoting a "Christian" political agenda if this means using the state to promote religious practices in secular institutions, e. g., government-sponsored prayer in public schools. On the other side some secular purists are offended by even this minimal creed of "civil religion" and long for a common life utterly devoid of any reference to God. Recently, a California schoolgirl who defines herself as an atheist asserts that it is wrong to require her to recite the pledge of allegiance that contains the words "under God." The Supreme Court has been on both sides of this issue. Enough complexities and ambiguities of this sort abound to frustrate any effort to find some single or simple doctrine defining the relations between church and state or between religion and politics. Our courts are kept busy trying to find workable compromises least offensive to the Constitution and most in harmony with its fundamental intent and directives. At the same time shifting currents of political and cultural convictions are reflected in the evolution of judicial decisions.

Thorny problems arise in two particular areas. The first involves trying to steer between avoiding an establishment of religion and permitting its free exercise. Prayer in public schools is among the most contentious. Clearly state-sponsored prayer is forbidden, but at what point does student-initiated, voluntary prayer in connection with school activities cross the line? Is it legitimate for parents to use school vouchers from a state or local government to send their children to a religious school? The government-sponsored use of religious symbols in public places poses another set of dilemmas. Where is the dividing line between the religious and secular dimensions of certain Christmas symbols, for example, Christmas trees or a creche? In 1984 the Supreme Court upheld a city-authorized Christmas display involving a creche because it had mainly a secular purpose. Critics noted that this approval was made possible only by robbing the symbol of its sacred meaning.

One example of principles in tension will illustrate the subtleties and strains in a particularly instructive fashion. Should tax exemption be denied to schools that practice racial discrimination? Bob Jones University contested a ruling against it by the IRS on the basis of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The University maintained that its policies were based on religious grounds and therefore should have constitutional protection. In listening to the pros and cons, one notes that the defenders of Bob Jones argued from the freedom of religion side. "While we abhor what they stand for, nevertheless spiritual freedom is so precious that we defend it even when we are offended at the outcome. Moreover, tomorrow society may decide it cannot tolerate dissident groups whose values are as far above the social consensus as racial bigots are below that line." The President of Bob Jones argued, "What we do is out of religious conviction, and it harms no one." The critics countered from the reprehensible social practices point of view. "This society cannot condone and underwrite racial discrimination." It is no wonder that religious and civic groups lined up on both sides. The President of Bob Jones University asked whether Jewish synagogues that segregate men and women are to be put under the ban or whether Catholic schools and churches that refuse to train and ordain women for the priesthood are to be denied tax exemption. After all, he argued, we do not exclude blacks from the college but only forbid interracial dating and marriage, and that applies to both races. The strongest case for Bob Jones University and Catholic Churches is that the practices in question are both intragroup and voluntary. In Bob Jones University v. U. S. decided on May 24, 1983, the Supreme Court ruled that the IRS was correct in denying tax exemption. That conclusion makes me nervous, although I appreciate the ambiguity and complexity involved.

The complicated relationship of religion to other human interest is illustrated in another sequence of events. In 1990 in Employment Division v. Smith the Supreme Court ruled that Native American religious use of peyote is not a constitutionally protected religious right. The principle stated by the Court was that freedom of religious expression did not take precedence over generally applicable laws. Over 60 religious organizations and civil liberties groups combined to form the Coalition for the Free Exercise of Religion to fight a trend that was weakening religious liberty.

In response to all the outrage expressed, Congress enacted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (1993). It required governments to refrain from limiting religious freedom unless they have a compelling societal reason for doing so. Under this act a California state regulation requiring an employment loyalty oath was successfully challenged by a group of Jehovah's Witnesses. In Wisconsin, an Amish group successfully challenged a state regulation which required them to mount bright orange safety triangles on their buggies. Some cases were lost in the early 1990's before the RFRA was passed. In Rhode Island, Hmong families were unable to prevent autopsies being performed on their dead relatives. They believe that the procedure eliminates future life after death. In Maryland, a number of Catholic teaching hospitals had their accreditation canceled because they refused to perform abortions. Some complained that since RFRA had been enacted, a rise was evident in requests to obtain religious exemptions by organized hate groups and groups with a propensity for violence. The Aryan Nations group, a branch of the Christian Identity religion, was cited as one example.

The downfall of this legislation started with a case that involved a Roman Catholic Church in Texas. The city of Boerne refused to issue a construction permit to allow the church to expand into a historical district. The church sued, and the case made its way through the courts. Many unrelated cases had been initiated under the RFRA by prison inmates who charged that prison regulation of clothing, diet, and the like are violations of their religious beliefs. On June 25, 1997 in Boerne v. Flores the Supreme Court declared The Religious Freedom Restoration Act unconstitutional. The majority opinion said that Congress had overstepped its legitimate authority when it enacted the legislation. The act set a "much higher hurdle" for government in regulating activities of religious groups than it did for private individuals and organizations.

Renewed efforts by groups concerned with religious liberty led to the introduction of The Religious Liberty Protection Act of 1998. It called again for the restoration of the "compelling interest/least restrictive means" test when deciding whether purportedly neutral state or local legislation would unduly burden religious expression. After much initial support the coalition behind this new move began to fracture. Many conservative religious groups continued to support it, but other organizations concerned with religious liberty and civil rights began to oppose it. Their fear was that it would have undermined many state and local civil rights laws. It would have created a new defense against claims related to disability, sexual orientation, familial, marital, and pregnancy status, and possibly gender and religion. The contention was that the new measure had no provision for reconciling conflicts between a defendant's contention that religious belief motivated his or her discriminatory act and a plaintiff's claim that state or local statutes provided protection against such discrimination - regardless of the defendant's motivation. So many religious and civil rights groups withdrew support that the bill in effect died. Note how many groups of liberal theological and political persuasion felt caught between their commitment to religious freedom and their devotion to civil rights for persons subjected to religiously-motivated bigotry. For a substantial number the latter took priority in their minds over the former.

A more focused piece of legislation was then offered as The Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act. This bill was carved out of the RLPA. Its two purposes are 1. to eliminate restrictive municipal zoning regulations that prevent churches and religious organizations from locating in certain areas and 2. to guarantee institutionalized persons freedom of religious expression. They would be able to practice their religion as long as it did not disrupt the security, discipline, or order of their prisons or hospitals. It was embraced by both major political parties and by organizations spanning the ideological spectrum. Because it targets only the two issues specified, it was devoid of the constitutional and civil rights problems that plagued its predecessor. The measure passed both the Senate and the House on July 27, 2000, and became available for the President to sign.
Millerites were disciples of William Miller. Miller, a farmer from New York, claimed to have discovered when Jesus Christ would return to Earth as stated in the Bible. Miller reached this belief in the 1820s but did not begin to share it with other people until the 1830s. By the early 1840s, approximately one million people had attended camp meetings and heard Miller's message. Perhaps ten percent of those people actually believed Miller.

Miller predicted that Christ's second coming would occur in April 1843 and that all worthy people would ascend to heaven on October 23, 1844. Thousands of people across the United States, including in Ohio, eagerly anticipated the event. Numerous people forsook their original religious beliefs and adopted Millerism, hoping that Jesus Christ would find no fault with them upon his return to Earth. Millerites consisted of all types of people. Many working-class people hoped that Christ's arrival would end their laborious lives. Other Americans believed that many people were sinners and that only the true believers, the Millerites, would escape punishment. God wanted the deserving to assist their unworthy neighbors through various reform movements, such as the temperance and abolition movements. Other people believed that citizens of the United States were God's chosen people and that Jesus Christ's arrival would prove this point.

As October 23, 1844 approached, some Millerites went so far as to sell their earthly possessions in preparation for the second coming of Christ. Many sources claim that the Millerites, dressed in white robes, climbed the highest mountains and hills that they could find so that they would be closer to heaven. Unfortunately for these people, they did not ascend to heaven on the appointed day. Miller claimed to have made an error and quickly issued a new date for the second coming, approximately six months later. Once again, this day came and went. In most cases, Miller's followers abandoned him. In 1845, some of Miller's followers joined the Adventist Church, which Miller helped establish. Adventists believe in the second coming of Christ, but they do not specify a day when this event will occur.
Between 1831 and 1844, on the basis of his study of the Bible, and particularly the prophecy of Daniel 8:14—"Unto two thousand and three hundred days; then shall the sanctuary be cleansed"—William Miller, a Baptist preacher, predicted and preached the imminent return of Jesus Christ to the earth. He first assumed that the "cleansing of the sanctuary" represented purification of the earth by fire at Christ's Second Coming instead of the sanctuary in Heaven.

Using an interpretive principle known as the day-year principle, Miller, along with others, interpreted a prophetic "day" to read not as a 24-hour period, but rather as a calendar year. Miller became convinced that the 2,300-day period started in 457 B.C. with the decree to rebuild Jerusalem by Artaxerxes I of Persia. His interpretation led him to believe and promote the year 1843.

Despite the urging of his supporters, Miller never announced an exact date for the expected Second Advent. But he did narrow the time period to sometime in the Jewish year 5604, stating: "My principles in brief, are, that Jesus Christ will come again to this earth, cleanse, purify, and take possession of the same, with all the saints, sometime between March 21, 1843 and March 21, 1844."[9] [clarification needed] March 21, 1844, passed without incident, but the majority of Millerites maintained their faith.[citation needed]

After further discussion and study, he briefly adopted a new date—April 18, 1844—one based on the Karaite Jewish calendar (as opposed to the Rabbinic calendar).[10] Like the previous date, April 18 passed without Christ's return. In the Advent Herald of April 24, Joshua Himes wrote that all the "expected and published time" had passed and admitted that they had been "mistaken in the precise time of the termination of the prophetic period". Josiah Litch surmised that the Adventists were probably "only in error relative to the event which marked its close". Miller published a letter "To Second Advent Believers," writing, "I confess my error, and acknowledge my disappointment; yet I still believe that the day of the Lord is near, even at the door."[11]

In August 1844 at a camp meeting in Exeter, New Hampshire, Samuel S. Snow presented his own interpretation, which became known as the "seventh-month message" or the "true midnight cry". In a complex discussion based on scriptural typology, Snow presented his conclusion (still based on the 2300-day prophecy in Daniel 8:14) that Christ would return on "the tenth day of the seventh month of the present year, 1844".[12] Using the calendar of the Karaite Jews, he determined this date to be October 22, 1844. This "seventh-month message" "spread with a rapidity unparalleled in the Millerites experience" amongst the general population.[citation needed]

October 22, 1844[edit]
October 22 passed without incident, resulting in feelings of disappointment among many Millerites.[13] Henry Emmons, a Millerite, later wrote,

I waited all Tuesday [October 22] and dear Jesus did not come;- I waited all the forenoon of Wednesday, and was well in body as I ever was, but after 12 o'clock I began to feel faint, and before dark I needed someone to help me up to my chamber, as my natural strength was leaving me very fast, and I lay prostrate for 2 days without any pain- sick with disappointment.[14]


Miller's interpretation of the 2300-day prophecy timeline and its relation to the 70-week prophecy.

Beginning of the 70 Weeks: The decree of Artaxerxes I of Persia in the 7th year of his reign (457 BC) as recorded in Ezra marks beginning of 70 weeks. King reigns were counted from New Year to New Year following an 'Accession Year'. The Persian New Year began in Nisan (March-April). The Jewish civil New Year began in Tishri (September-October).

A 1843 prophetic chart illustrating multiple interpretations of prophecy yielding the year 1843.
The Millerites had to deal with their own shattered expectations, as well as considerable criticism and even violence from the public. Many followers had given up their possessions in expectation of Christ's return. On November 18, 1844, Miller wrote to Himes about his experiences:

"Some are tauntingly enquiring, 'Have you not gone up?' Even little children in the streets are shouting continually to passersby, 'Have you a ticket to go up?' The public prints, of the most fashionable and popular kind...are caricaturing in the most shameful manner of the 'white robes of the saints,' Revelation 6:11, the 'going up,' and the great day of 'burning.' Even the pulpits are desecrated by the repetition of scandalous and false reports concerning the 'ascension robes', and priests are using their powers and pens to fill the catalogue of scoffing in the most scandalous periodicals of the day."[15]

There were also the instances of violence: a Millerite church was burned in Ithaca, and two were vandalized in Dansville and Scottsville. In Loraine, Illinois, a mob attacked the Millerite congregation with clubs and knives, while a group in Toronto was tarred and feathered. Shots were fired at another Canadian group meeting in a private house.[16]

Both Millerite leaders and followers were left generally bewildered and disillusioned. Responses varied: some continued to look daily for Christ's return, while others predicted different dates—among them April, July, and October 1845. Some theorized that the world had entered the seventh millennium—the "Great Sabbath", and that therefore, the saved should not work. Others acted as children, basing their belief on Jesus' words in Mark 10:15: "Truly, I say to you, whoever does not receive the kingdom of God like a child shall not enter it." Millerite O. J. D. Pickands used Revelation 14:14-16 to teach that Christ was now sitting on a white cloud and must be prayed down. It has been speculated[by whom?] that the majority simply gave up their beliefs and attempted to rebuild their lives. Some members rejoined their previous denominations. A substantial number joined the Shakers.[17]

By mid-1845, doctrinal lines among the various Millerite groups began to solidify, and the groups emphasized their differences, in a process George R. Knight terms "sect building". During this time, there were three main Millerite groups—in addition to those who had simply given up their beliefs.[18]

The first major division of the Millerite groups who retained a belief in Christ's Second Advent were those who focused on the "shut-door" belief. Popularized by Joseph Turner, this belief was based on a key Millerite passage: Matthew 25:1-13—the parable of the ten virgins.[19] The shut door mentioned in Matthew 25:11-12 was interpreted as the close of probation. As Knight explains, "After the door was shut, there would be no additional salvation. The wise virgins (true believers) would be in the kingdom, while the foolish virgins and all others would be on the outside."[20]

The widespread acceptance of the shut-door belief lost ground as doubts were raised about the significance of the October 22, 1844, date—if nothing happened on that date, then there could be no shut door. The opposition to these shut-door beliefs was led by Joshua Himes and make up the second post-1844 group. This faction soon gained the upper hand, even converting Miller to their point of view. Their influence was enhanced by the staging of the Albany Conference. The Advent Christian Church has its roots in this post-Great Disappointment group.

The third major post-disappointment Millerite group also claimed, like the Hale- and Turner-led group, that the October 22 date was correct. Rather than Christ having returned invisibly, however, they concluded that the event that took place on October 22, 1844, was quite different. The theology of this third group appears to have had its beginnings as early as October 23, 1844—the day after the Great Disappointment. On that day, during a prayer session with a group of Advent believers, Hiram Edson became convinced that "light would be given" and their "disappointment explained."[21]

Edson's experience led him into an extended study on the topic with O. R. L. Crosier and F. B. Hahn. They came to the conclusion that Miller's assumption that the sanctuary represented the earth was in error. "The sanctuary to be cleansed in Daniel 8:14 was not the earth or the church, but the sanctuary in heaven."[22] Therefore, the October 22 date marked not the Second Coming of Christ, but rather a heavenly event. Out of this third group arose the Seventh-day Adventist Church, and this interpretation of the Great Disappointment forms the basis for the Seventh-day Adventist doctrine of the pre-Advent Divine Investigative Judgement. Their interpretations were published in early 1845 in the Day Dawn.
Joseph Smith Jr. (December 23, 1805 - June 27, 1844) was an American religious leader and founder of Mormonism and the Latter Day Saint movement. When he was twenty-four, Smith published the Book of Mormon. By the time of his death fourteen years later, he had attracted tens of thousands of followers and founded a religious culture that continues to the present.

Smith was born in Sharon, Vermont. By 1817, he had moved with his family to what became known as the burned-over district of western New York, an area of intense religious revivalism during the Second Great Awakening. According to Smith, he experienced a series of visions, including one in which he saw "two personages" (presumably God the Father and Jesus Christ) and others in which an angel directed him to a buried book of golden plates inscribed with a Judeo-Christian history of an ancient American civilization. In 1830, Smith published what he said was an English translation of these plates, the Book of Mormon. The same year he organized the Church of Christ, calling it a restoration of the early Christian church. Members of the church were later called "Latter Day Saints", or "Mormons", and in 1838, Smith announced a revelation that renamed the church as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints.

Smith published many revelations and other texts that his followers regard as scripture. His teachings include unique views about the nature of God, cosmology, family structures, political organization, and religious collectivism. His followers regard him as a prophet comparable to Moses and Elijah, and several religious denominations consider themselves the continuation of the church he organized, including The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the Community of Christ.
In September 1850, as part of the Compromise of 1850, the Utah Territory was created by Act of Congress, encompassing a portion of the northern section of Deseret.

On February 3, 1851, Brigham Young was inaugurated as the first governor of the Utah Territory. On April 4, 1851, the General Assembly of Deseret passed a resolution to dissolve the state. On October 4, 1851, the Utah territorial legislature voted to re-enact the laws and ordinances of the state of Deseret.

After the establishment of the Utah Territory, the Latter-day Saints did not relinquish the idea of a "State of Deseret". From 1862 to 1870, a group of Mormon elders under Young's leadership met as a shadow government after each session of the territorial legislature to ratify the new laws under the name of the "state of Deseret". Attempts were made in 1856, 1862, and 1872 to write a new state constitution under that name based on the new boundaries of the Utah Territory.

The idea of creating a state based on Mormonism began to fade away after the coming of the railroad, which opened the territory to many non-Mormon settlers, particularly in the western areas of the territory. Young and the LDS Church supported the railroad, even taking members that were working on the Salt Lake Temple and reassigning them to work on the railroad. The driving of the golden spike just 66 miles from Salt Lake completed the first transcontinental railroad at Promontory Summit in 1869. Officials from Utah Territory and leaders of the LDS Church were not involved in the festivities of the day.
Education Reform
in the
19th Century Causes of Education Reform Horace Mann of Massachusetts Other Prominent Advocates Presented By New beliefs in people's potential to succeed through educational opportunities. The 1st Secretary of the Mass. Board of Ed. Noah Webster - Published Webster
Dictionary in 1828, a comprehensive
overview of over 70,000 words. Richard Chen
Riley Hafer
Jared Smith The wealthy fear the uneducated masses' control of elections. An economic imperative for a literate American public. He introduced sweeping reforms in public education such as: School year extended to 6 months
Increased teacher's pay
Teachers began to have prior training
Enriched Curriculum (more subjects) Emma Willard - founded first women's
college, women's rights
advocate,Troy Female Seminary. Mary Lyon - Women's right advocate,
focused on the affordability of
education. Vocabulary One Room Schoolhouse:
A basic small cramped room
with usually an untrained
female teacher.

Benevolent Empire: Handicapped schools such
as Perkins School for the Blind were supported by religious movements. William McGuffey - Wrote the
McGuffey Readers, the most widely
used textbooks at the time. Opposition Main opposition toward movement came from people who didn't want tax-supported schools, but private schools. Connection to Jacksonian Era Education is a way to lift common man out of poverty, and give them the opportunities to succeed. Just being literate was an invaluable tool. Oberlin College: First institution of
higher learning to allow the
admission of African Americans
and women.

Perkins School for the Blind: First
school in America dedicated to the
physically handicapped. Connections Women's Rights: Educational opportunies, such as higher education, provided women means to independence from society's confines. Ex. Universities dedicated for women admission

Lit. & Art: Novelists and writers were able to use books as the medium to share knowledge. Ex. Noah Webster and his dictionary.

Asylums & Prisons: The physically impaired were given options such as schools rather than be sent to jails for their conditions. Ex. Perkins School for the Blind
It was not until he was appointed secretary in 1837 of the newly created board of education of Massachusetts (the first such position in the United States) that he began the work which was to place him in the foremost rank of American educators. Previously, he had not shown any special interest in education. He was encouraged to take the job only because it was a paid office position established by the legislature. He began as secretary of the board. On entering on his duties, he withdrew from all other professional or business engagements and from politics.

This led him to become the most prominent national spokesman for that position. He held this position, and worked with a remarkable intensity, holding teachers' conventions, delivering numerous lectures and addresses, carrying on an extensive correspondence, and introducing numerous reforms.

Mann traveled to every school in the state so he could physically examine each school ground. He planned and inaugurated the Massachusetts normal school system in Lexington (which shortly thereafter moved to Framingham), Barre (which shortly thereafter moved to Westfield) and Bridgewater, and began preparing a series of annual reports, which had a wide circulation and were considered as being "among the best expositions, if, indeed, they are not the very best ones, of the practical benefits of a common school education both to the individual and to the state".[10] By his advocacy of the disuse of corporal punishment in school discipline, he was involved in a controversy with some of the Boston teachers that resulted in the adoption of his views.[11]

In 1838, he founded and edited The Common School Journal. In this journal, Mann targeted the public school and its problems. His six main principles were: (1) the public should no longer remain ignorant; (2) that such education should be paid for, controlled, and sustained by an interested public; (3) that this education will be best provided in schools that embrace children from a variety of backgrounds; (4) that this education must be non-sectarian; (5) that this education must be taught by the spirit, methods, and discipline of a free society; and (6) that education should be provided by well-trained, professional teachers. Mann worked for more and better-equipped school houses, longer school years (until 16 years old), higher pay for teachers, and a wider curriculum.

Under the auspices of the board, but at his own expense, he went to Europe in 1843 to visit schools, especially in Prussia, and his seventh annual report, published after his return, embodied the results of his tour. Many editions of this report were printed, not only in Massachusetts but in other states, in some cases by private individuals and in others by legislatures; several editions were issued in England. In 1852, he supported the decision to adopt the Prussian education system in Massachusetts. Shortly after Massachusetts adopted the Prussian system, the Governor of New York set up the same method in twelve different New York schools on a trial basis.

Mann hoped that by bringing all children of all classes together, they could have a common learning experience. This would also give an opportunity to the less fortunate to advance in the social scale and education would "equalize the conditions of men." Moreover, it was viewed also as a road to social advancement by the early labor movement and as a goal of having common schools. Mann also suggested that by having schools it would help those students who did not have appropriate discipline in the home. Building a person's character was just as important as reading, writing and arithmetic. Instilling values such as obedience to authority, promptness in attendance, and organizing the time according to bell ringing helped students prepare for future employment. Mann faced some resistance from parents who did not want to give up the moral education to teachers and bureaucrats. The normal schools trained mostly women, giving them new career opportunities as teachers.[12]

The practical result of Mann's work was a revolution in the approach used in the common school system of Massachusetts, which in turn influenced the direction of other states. In carrying out his work, Mann met with bitter opposition by some Boston schoolmasters who strongly disapproved of his innovative pedagogical ideas,[13] and by various religious sectarians, who contended against the exclusion of all sectarian instruction from the schools. Mann is often called "the father of American public education.
Americans often forget that as late as the 1960s most African-American, Latino, and Native American students were educated in wholly segregated schools funded at rates many times lower than those serving whites and were excluded from many higher education institutions entirely. The end of legal segregation followed by efforts to equalize spending since 1970 has made a substantial difference for student achievement. On every major national test, including the National Assessment of Educational Progress, the gap in minority and white students' test scores narrowed substantially between 1970 and 1990, especially for elementary school students. On the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), the scores of African-American students climbed 54 points between 1976 and 1994, while those of white students remained stable.

Even so, educational experiences for minority students have continued to be substantially separate and unequal. Two-thirds of minority students still attend schools that are predominantly minority, most of them located in central cities and funded well below those in neighboring suburban districts. Recent analyses of data prepared for school finance cases in Alabama, New Jersey, New York, Louisiana, and Texas have found that on every tangible measure—from qualified teachers to curriculum offerings—schools serving greater numbers of students of color had significantly fewer resources than schools serving mostly white students. As William L. Taylor and Dianne Piche noted in a 1991 report to Congress: Inequitable systems of school finance inflict disproportionate harm on minority and economically disadvantaged students. On an inter-state basis, such students are concentrated in states, primarily in the South, that have the lowest capacities to finance public education. On an intra-state basis, many of the states with the widest disparities in educational expenditures are large industrial states. In these states, many minorities and economically disadvantaged students are located in property-poor urban districts which fare the worst in educational expenditures (or) in rural districts which suffer from fiscal inequity.

Jonathan Kozol s 1991 Savage Inequalities described the striking differences between public schools serving students of color in urban settings and their suburban counterparts, which typically spend twice as much per student for populations with many fewer special needs. Contrast MacKenzie High School in Detroit, where word processing courses are taught without word processors because the school cannot afford them, or East St. Louis Senior High School, whose biology lab has no laboratory tables or usable dissecting kits, with nearby suburban schools where children enjoy a computer hookup to Dow Jones to study stock transactions and science laboratories that rival those in some industries. Or contrast Paterson, New Jersey, which could not afford the qualified teachers needed to offer foreign language courses to most high school students, with Princeton, where foreign languages begin in elementary school.

Even within urban school districts, schools with high concentrations of low-income and minority students receive fewer instructional resources than others. And tracking systems exacerbate these inequalities by segregating many low-income and minority students within schools. In combination, these policies leave minority students with fewer and lower-quality books, curriculum materials, laboratories, and computers; significantly larger class sizes; less qualified and experienced teachers; and less access to high-quality curriculum. Many schools serving low-income and minority students do not even offer the math and science courses needed for college, and they provide lower-quality teaching in the classes they do offer. It all adds up.
Of all textbooks, those designed to teach elementary reading sell the greatest numbers.1 This is as true of the past as today: the New England Primer was a colonial best-seller. 2 In the late-18th and 19th centuries in the United States, there were two best-selling reading textbooks. The first was Noah Webster's spelling book, designed to teach reading as much as spelling, when the spelling (or alphabet) method was the only methodology in use. The second was the series titled the McGuffey Readers, after its original author, William Holmes McGuffey. In this essay, I explore the role played by these authors in the commercial aspects of their textbooks and its relationship to the books' success.

Noah Webster, author of the so-called "blue-back speller" (dubbed that from its familiar blue paper covers) was the Noah Webster who wrote the first genuinely American dictionary in 1828, and whose name has been synonymous with dictionaries ever since. He was also the person who, single-handed, introduced all those differences between American and British spelling -- center/centre, honor/honour --that persist to this day.3 In his own time, however, Webster had been known to Americans long before he published his dictionary: his name was a household word for his spelling book title the American Spelling Book from 1787 on. In all its various editions, Webster's speller is conservatively estimated to have sold at least 70 million copies by the 1890s, when it was still going strong.4

The various editions of the McGuffey Readers, first published in 1836, are reckoned to have sold over 125 million copies by 1900. The series had sold 7 million copies as early as 1850, and by 1890 it was the standard school reader in 37 states.5 The McGuffey Readers were reprinted as late as 1928 by Henry Ford, in a nostalgic evocation of what he called their "solid character-building qualities."6 These sales figures for Webster's and McGuffey's textbooks are staggering by any standards.

William Holmes McGuffey was remarkable for his almost total lack of involvement in the publicity aspects of a work that bore his name throughout most of the 19th century. In fact, the case of the McGuffey Readers is really a prototype of the turn that textbook publishing would take and has taken ever since -- where a reading textbook is the product of a committee rather than a single person, and of a publishing house rather than an individual.

In the first place, unlike Noah Webster in the 1780s, William Holmes McGuffey in the 1830s did not conceive the idea of publishing a series of reading textbooks himself. Instead, he was invited to write them by the publishing company of Truman and Smith of Cincinnati, Ohio (after Catherine Beecher, sister of Harriet Beecher, had declined their invitation), who wanted to publish a series aimed at the western market.7 McGuffey, an ordained Presbyterian minister, was at that point a professor of ancient languages at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio. His qualifications for writing an elementary text presumably rested upon his earlier experience as a schoolmaster -- where he was remarkable for his disciplinary severity. Moreover, his "method of teaching", as one of his students reminisced, "was not a very good one. He never illustrated anything by addressing the eye."8 He is also said to have published, in London, a book titled Methods of Reading.9

The contract McGuffey signed with Truman and Smith in 1833 awarded him royalties of 10 percent of the profits until he had received $1,000, after which every penny of profit reverted to the company.10 Assisted by a trunkload of elementary texts "of the East" sent him by his publishers, McGuffey completed the First and Second Readers in time for their publication in 1836. They were originally called the Eclectic Series without any mention of his name. The Third and Fourth Readers appeared the following year.
tate university systems were a product of the demand for higher education in the newly formed United States. The tradition of publicly funded state colleges began primarily in the southern states, where in the east and northeastern states other private educational institutions were already established. There remains significant debate about which institution or institutions are the oldest public universities in the United States.

The University of Georgia is the country's first chartered public university, established on January 27, 1785 by an act of the General Assembly of Georgia. However, the University of Georgia did not hold classes until 16 years later in the fall of 1801. The first collegiate-level classes conducted by a public institution were at another Georgia institution, the Academy of Richmond County, chartered in 1783 with instruction beginning in 1785. While the Academy, later known as Augusta State University and now merged into Augusta University, was founded as a high school, it taught college-level classes from its creation, and its graduates were accepted into four-year colleges as sophomores or juniors, effectively making it a combination of a modern high school and community college. The school eventually dropped high school instruction, but remained a community college until becoming a four-year institution in 1963.

The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, while chartered four years after Georgia in 1789, was the first state university to hold classes. Classes began at UNC in 1795, and UNC is the only state university to have graduated students in the 18th century. The University of South Carolina was chartered in 1801 and held classes for the first time in 1805. The University of Tennessee was originally chartered as Blount College in 1794, but had a very difficult beginning—graduating only one student—and did not begin receiving the promised state funds until 1807 when it was renamed East Tennessee University.

Determining which state university was the "first" is further complicated by the case of New Jersey's state university system. Facing the embarrassment of being the only state left that had not established a state university, the New Jersey Legislature decided to commission an already existing private university as its state university, rather than build one from the ground up, as other states had done. Rutgers University, which had previously been a private school affiliated with the Dutch Reformed Church, was designated as a state university by acts of the legislature in 1945 and 1956. It became a 'System' with the absorptions of Newark University in 1946 and The College of South Jersey in 1950, becoming Rutgers' Newark and Camden campuses, respectively. Rutgers was chartered in 1766, nineteen years before the University of Georgia, but did not become the State University of New Jersey for another 179 years.

Castleton University in Vermont is the oldest state university in New England, chartered in 1787. This was soon followed by the charter of The University of Vermont (UVM) in 1791. However, neither institution was a "state university" in the modern sense of the term until many decades later. Castleton began as the Rutland County Grammar School. It did not become a postsecondary institution until the campus became home to the State Normal School in 1867. Although the school became state-supported at that time, its campus remained privately owned until 1912. UVM was chartered as a private institution and did not become a public university until 1865. The first institution in New England to actually operate as a public university is Westfield State University in Massachusetts, which has been public since its founding in 1838.

Consideration of public higher education was included in the earliest westward expansion of the US, with the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, which established the Northwest Territory. It stated: "Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." Ohio University (1804) was the first state school so established in the territory (and is also the oldest state university that has continuously operated as a public institution), with the other developing states similarly creating public universities to serve the citizens. On a national basis, the state university system was also assisted by the establishment of the Land-grant universities, under the Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Acts of 1862 and 1890.

Many state universities were founded in the middle 19th century, in particular supported by the Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Acts of 1862 and 1890.

Many state universities—such as UCLA, Arizona State, and SUNY Geneseo—were founded as normal schools.

Following the Second World War, many state universities were merged with smaller institutions to achieve economies of scale in administration and also to raise the prestige of the degrees granted by some smaller institutions. A prominent example of this is the State University of New York, which is the largest comprehensive system of universities, colleges, and community colleges in the world.[1]

During the 1970s, further mergers took place and the concept of a state system was widely adopted.

Some states have more than one state university system. For example, California has the University of California and the California State University as four-year university systems, and the California Community Colleges as its community college system. Texas has six state university systems, plus four independent public universities.
Lyceum movement, early form of organized adult education, of widespread popular appeal in the northeastern and midwestern United States. The first lyceum was founded in 1826 in Millbury, Massachusetts, by Josiah Holbrook, a teacher and lecturer. The lyceum movement, named for the place where Aristotle lectured to the youth of ancient Greece, was led by voluntary local associations that gave people an opportunity to hear debates and lectures on topics of current interest. The American lyceums multiplied rapidly, numbering 3,000 by 1834.

As conceived by Holbrook, each lyceum was to contribute to the spread of learning, especially of the natural sciences. In communities hungry for knowledge, the idea caught fire and soon expanded to include home-talent productions of essays, discussions, debates, and lectures. A major topic in early years was the establishment of public schools.

At first the lyceums were local ventures with speakers supplied by the community, but by 1840 they had become professionalized institutions with outside lecturers to whom fees were paid. Among the well-known speakers who traveled from state to state were Ralph Waldo Emerson, Frederick Douglass, Henry David Thoreau, Daniel Webster, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Susan B. Anthony. Many of Emerson's essays were originally written as lyceum lectures.

Lyceums flourished up to the American Civil War and thereafter blended indistinguishably into the chautauqua movement, which had begun in the 1870s. In their heyday the American lyceums contributed to the broadening of school curricula and the development of local museums and libraries in the United States.
Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine.This collection contains all sixty of Godey's monthly magazines (around 100 pages each) for the years from 1860 through 1864. Each of those five years contain two complete volumes: The first volume of each year contains all of Godey's magazines from January through June, and the second volume contains all of Godey's magazines for that year from July through December. Each monthly magazine showcased the latest fashions for that month, so there are twelve fashion plates for each year and sixty fashion plates for the five years. Each volume's table of contents, for all five years, are combined in one pdf file. This allows browsing the entire archive by opening just one file. To facilitate fashion selection, each year's fashion plates are grouped together in a separate folder. In addition to the fashions, the complete magazines in each book offer patterns, embroideries, designs, illustrations, sheet music, stories, and an abundance of everything that interested women during the Civil War.

Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, was a United States magazine which was published in Philadelphia. It was the most widely circulated magazine in the period before the Civil War. Its circulation rose from 70,000 in the 1840s to 150,000 in 1860. By the 1860s, Godey's considered itself the "queen of monthlies".

In Philadelphia in 1830, Louis Antoine Godey (1804-1878) began publishing Godey's Lady's Book (1830-1878), which he designed specifically to attract a growing audience of American women.

Godey intended to take advantage of the popularity of gift books, many of which were marketed specifically to women. Each issue contained poetry, articles, and engravings created by prominent writers and other artists of the time. In 1836 Godey purchased the Boston-based American Ladies' Magazine, which he merged with his own publication. Most importantly, Sarah Josepha Hale (1788-1879) became Godey's new editor. Under Hale's tutelage the magazine flourished, reaching a pre-Civil War circulation of 150,000. Godey and Hale became a force majeure in American publishing and together produced a magazine which today is considered as among the most important resources of 19th century American life and culture.
Idealism is a term with several related meanings. It comes via idea from the Greek idein (ἰδεῖν), meaning "to see". The term entered the English language by 1743.[5] In ordinary use, as when speaking of Woodrow Wilson's political idealism, it generally suggests the priority of ideals, principles, values, and goals over concrete realities. Idealists are understood to represent the world as it might or should be, unlike pragmatists, who focus on the world as it presently is. In the arts, similarly, idealism affirms imagination and attempts to realize a mental conception of beauty, a standard of perfection, juxtaposed to aesthetic naturalism and realism.[6][7]

Any philosophy that assigns crucial importance to the ideal or spiritual realm in its account of human existence may be termed "idealist". Metaphysical idealism is an ontological doctrine that holds that reality itself is incorporeal or experiential at its core. Beyond this, idealists disagree on which aspects of the mental are more basic. Platonic idealism affirms that abstractions are more basic to reality than the things we perceive, while subjective idealists and phenomenalists tend to privilege sensory experience over abstract reasoning. Epistemological idealism is the view that reality can only be known through ideas, that only psychological experience can be apprehended by the mind.[2][8][9]

Subjective idealists like George Berkeley are anti-realists in terms of a mind-independent world, whereas transcendental idealists like Immanuel Kant are strong skeptics of such a world, affirming epistemological and not metaphysical idealism. Thus Kant defines idealism as "the assertion that we can never be certain whether all of our putative outer experience is not mere imagining".[10] He claimed that, according to idealism, "the reality of external objects does not admit of strict proof. On the contrary, however, the reality of the object of our internal sense (of myself and state) is clear immediately through consciousness." However, not all idealists restrict the real or the knowable to our immediate subjective experience. Objective idealists make claims about a transempirical world, but simply deny that this world is essentially divorced from or ontologically prior to the mental. Thus Plato and Gottfried Leibniz affirm an objective and knowable reality transcending our subjective awareness—a rejection of epistemological idealism—but propose that this reality is grounded in ideal entities, a form of metaphysical idealism. Nor do all metaphysical idealists agree on the nature of the ideal; for Plato, the fundamental entities were non-mental abstract forms, while for Leibniz they were proto-mental and concrete monads.[

As a rule, transcendental idealists like Kant affirm idealism's epistemic side without committing themselves to whether reality is ultimately mental; objective idealists like Plato affirm reality's metaphysical basis in the mental or abstract without restricting their epistemology to ordinary experience; and subjective idealists like Berkeley affirm both metaphysical and epistemological idealism
Four years later, 3,000 rioters stormed a Maine city hall looking for illicitly purchased booze. The Portland Rum Riot, as it came to be known, resulted in one death and several injuries, as well as the loss of the mayor's political career. It foreshadowed the national pushback against the era of Prohibition almost 70 years later.

The Maine law wasn't a complete ban on alcohol: "an exception for 'medicinal, mechanical and manufacturing purposes' kept many liquor wagons rolling," writes Kelley Bouchard for the Portland Press-Herald. Like the national Prohibition that stretched from 1920-1933, the law also didn't stop many people from drinking. Mainers found ways around the law, Bouchard writes. Some brewed booze at home and sold it to neighbors out of their kitchens. Farmers made hard cider and wine out of fruit. "Tavern owners saw fines as a cost of doing business," she writes, while pharmacies and grocery stories sold legal "medicines" that just-so-happened to be alcoholic.

At the center of Maine's early experiment in alcohol prohibition was Portland, and its mayor, Neal Dow. An ambitious politician and a Quaker, he was the mayor of Portland from 1851 to 1858. Dow led the temperance movement in Maine, records the New England Historical Society. He hated alcohol for reasons related to the Christian temperance movement, but also for its links to slavery. Dow believed "rum and slavery fed off each other," the historical society writes.

Dow was a founding member of the Maine Temperance Society and was instrumental in Maine's prohibition movement, the historical society writes. Before getting the Maine law on the books, Dow had been instrumental in getting the so-called "Twenty-Eight Gallon Law" passed in 1846, writes author Kate McCarty. This law prohibited the sale of alcohol in less than 28 gallon quantities to all but doctors-meaning that the wealthy could still afford to buy alcohol, but the average drinker couldn't. "Tippling shops" that sold single drinks and were where most people drank were shut down, she writes.

With this and many other initiatives, Dow made his political name in the temperance movement. Later, he even ran for president on a temperance platform, Bouchard writes.

Ironically, the vice he fought against was also his undoing. Rioters gathered around Portland's city hall in 1855 when "[t]he city's Irish working-class residents found out their teetotaling, saloon-raiding mayor was storing $1600 worth of liquor at City Hall," the historical association writes.


Neal Dow. (Wikimedia Commons)
It was the last strike in a long dispute. Along with rum and slavery, Dow was also opposed to immigration-particularly from Ireland. His xenophobic opposition was clear to Portland's large population of Irish immigrants, who were disproportionately impacted by the law.

Dow didn't intend to drink the alcohol held in the city hall's storeroom, writes Madeline Bilis for Boston magazine. The law "allowed for specific individuals to buy alcohol for medicinal purposes," she writes. "Dow, who was not an appointed purchaser, broke his own law by buying alcohol on the city's behalf to distribute to doctors in the area."

Although his violation was a technical one, people who could not buy liquor themselves were furious at this perceived proof of government hypocrisy. A local paper called upon citizens "by virtue of Neal Dow's law to seize Neal Dow's liquors and pour them into the street."

Protestors took the injunction seriously. "Bottles of alcohol in the storage area were broken," Bilis writes, and Dow was furious. Late in the day, he ordered militia to fire on protestors.

That was more or less the end of Dow's political career. The Maine law was repealed in 1856, although "it was re-enacted in various forms," writes the historical association, and "eventually folded into the state constitution in 1885," Bouchard notes.

But Maine had set a precedent. After the passage of the Maine law, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Vermont were among the states to jump on the bandwagon (an expression that, like Prohibition, has its roots in 1850s America.) Next stop: the 18th Amendment.
During the early 1800's, women were generally trapped in their homes and would only perform domestic chaos and duties. Nature and the society had given them roles as the home keepers, ethical keepers for the home and the entire society, as well as house wives for their families. The roles as house wives were to bear children, take care of the young ones as well as submitting to the husbands. Socially, women were considered weaker hence unequal to their men counterparts. Some people would compare such a condition as slavery. Women had no control of their lives. Everything was entirely controlled by the men in the society. First, their fathers and brothers would control them when they are still young and when they are married, their husbands would finally control them.

Their key purpose was to look for a husband, give birth and take care of their husbands through out their entire lives. It was a taboo for a woman to remain single; in fact, single women were scorned and pitied by the society. A woman owned property when she was still in her father's house but after she got married, property ownership shifted to the husband. The husband had a right to access everything that a woman had, as well as her own body. For these women, marriage was a lifelong commitment. Women were not supposed to divorce; they were expected to live with their husbands even if it meant to live in miserable marriage. Divorce was highly punishable and the woman would always fall a victim (Wayne, 2007, p.5). This did not only undermine their physical requirements but also destroyed their opportunities of having any kind of freedom. It subdued their voice of influence thus giving them no hope of attaining social recognition.

Women were not allowed to venture into any other activities apart from taking care of her family. The husband was the sole breadwinner of the family. The only source of finance was the husband hence the only chance for women to be economically protected was for them to marry men who were financially secure. This made them more dependent on men and if the man died, they would be left with no source of income apart from her husband's savings. The society looked at women as asexual beings; people with neither feelings nor a life of their own.
However, during the 1800's, women's movements became so effective that women began to challenge the social, traditional, economical as well as the political intellectuals that had hindered them for a long time. This was the starting point for the turn about of their roles in the society.

Throughout history, women have had less legal rights and occupation opportunities, hence less representation compared to their male counterparts. Motherhood and wifehood were considered as their most major professions. Towards the end of nineteenth century however, most women had won the rights to vote, and had increased their chances to access education and other professions initially considered for men. Marriage was considered very essential and significant for the sake of the stability of the society. Women were therefore expected to be very obedient and submissive in order to have a happy and stable marriage. During these times, education was a disputable topic and it was the first topic that motivated women into protesting. However, not a single feminist could come up with a means through which education would be equalized between girls and boys. Only the daughters of rich parents would get formal education. Educated girls were however perceived as unattractive sexually, thus getting marriage was a big struggle for them.

The only subject that girls were taught in school was language; reading and writing. Other courses included wifely responsibilities and activities such as knitting, midwife, cooking and waving among others . Women began to form "women rights movements" which helped them in protesting against slavery as well as men dictatorships. These movements led to revolution which eventually led to the constitutional amendment processes which brought about the eradication of slavery. This was a great achievement on the women's history since they could freely speak out their views.

In the mid 1800's, women became resistant to the oppression by men and they wanted to become totally independent. As a result, they protested for equal education opportunities and religion activism. It was not that easy; women had to fight both men and fellow women. Men in general overlooked upon feminists and those women who were still dedicated to the traditional way of life, did not want to hear anything concerning women independence. The only place in which women got total support was the church, which also had its own interest. Women became successful in these reform movements and for the first time in history, men became challenged by the female domination

Women thus began to perform duties outside their homes. This meant that they would cook, nurse and educate young people for a pay. They also became teachers, nurses and secretaries; which were the only jobs that the society accepted women to pursue Nevertheless, a woman was only supposed to work as long as she was not married, but once married, she was expected to stop working and take up her role as a wife and mother. During this time, being a housewife necessitated a wide range of multifaceted abilities since almost all items were home made

However, their employment opportunities expanded during the industrial revolution period. Many women worked in the new industries so as to fill the vacant places. The public school system also expanded thus leading to many more women to be employed as school teachers (Wayne, 2007, p.86). Nursing also became a highly regarded job for women in 1850s following the restructuring in hospitals and the nursing career. The civil war also contributed greatly to the evolution of women roles in the society. It resulted to many women getting jobs in the government and other offices, that were initial held by men, so as to fill in the positions evacuated by men as they went to fight. After the civil war, women continued to work in the government since they had proved to men that they could really work Another thing that encouraged women into employment was the discovering of a typewriter. Research found out that women would make better typists than men hence women were all over as typists and sales clerks.

By 1870, women learning prospects had improved drastically. There were additional schools for girls and most colleges could also admit women for advanced courses. By the end of 1880, women had made up approximately one third of the total population of students in the United States . At the same time, women attained more legal rights with the establishment of more movements and acts. For instance, the married women property act allowed married women authority over their own properties. Her property was hers and not her husband's
Daily life for women in the early 1800s in Britain was that of many obligations and few choices. Some even compare the conditions of women in this time to a form of slavery. Women were completely controlled by the men in their lives. First, by their fathers, brothers and male relatives and finally by their husbands. Their sole purpose in life is to find a husband, reproduce and then spend the rest of their lives serving him. If a woman were to decide to remain single, she would be ridiculed and pitied by the community.
When a women was married, all of her inheritance (if any existed) would belong to her husband. Her husband had rights to everything a woman had, including her body. This notion was supported by both the law as well as the marriage vows: "written into the marriage ceremony was a vow to obey her husband...Not until the late 20th century did women obtain the right to omit that promise from their wedding vows" (Taylor, online). Marriage for these women was a lifetime commitment. Very rarely were women allowed to have a divorce and until 1891 if a woman attempted to flee an unhappy marriage, she could be captured by the law and punished.
Women were broken up into three different classes: Women of the upper-working class, women of the lower-working class, and the underclass women. The divisions of the classes were very distinct, and although none of the women in any of the classes had much power, there were differences in the daily life, family life and working life. The worst off of all of the women were the underclass women. These women maintained a very different lifestyle than the others. Their clothes often consisted of dirty and torn skirts and blouses, and messy hair. Deprived of any form of education and respected jobs, these underprivelged women mostly relied on relief organizations and some even resorted to prostitution to make a living for themselves when there was no other alternative.
The majority of the women belonged in the lower-working class category. With little or no inheritance to look forward to, some women began working between the ages of 8 and 12. Like the underclass women, lower-working class women were often ridiculed by high society because their lives did not permit them to dress with presige and class. Their laborous work schedules did not allow for it. Some of the jobs that were available to them were: domestic service, agricultural laborers, seamstress, washer women, and serving the wealthy residents. Women in this category were expected to fullfil three roles: "mother, housekeeper, and worker" (Huysman, online). Such high expections made for a very high stress environment for these women.
The most presitgious of the classes for British women to fall under was upper-working class. These women were immediately distinguished by their strict clothes that consisted of "laces, corsets, veils, and gloves so that their bodies were properly covered" (Huysman, online). These women often had some sort of inheritance passed down to them from their fathers, so they were often courted by men of high standing who wished to increase their own wealth. Even though women were not yet allowed to attend college, these women sometimes received a general education consisting of reading, writing, and arthmitic. In such cases, a woman might decide to take a position as a governess or a lady's companion.
During the nineteenth century, many women joined charitable organizations. These groups allowed women to expand their roles in American life without challenging society's expectations for women. During this era, many people believed that women should be homemakers, but increasingly, women joined reform organizations, hoping to enhance moral values in their fellow Americans. The Female Moral Reform Society was one such organization. The Society existed across the United States. Ohio women founded several chapters at the local level in the 1830s.

One of the most successful chapters of the Female Moral Reform Society was founded in Oberlin, Ohio, in 1835. Ultimately, the Oberlin group became the fourth largest chapter in the country. Its success was based on its recruitment of women students from nearby Oberlin College. Many of the students were concerned that if they did not join they would be viewed as having low morals. Oberlin's chapter of the Society, like others, stressed the importance of its member's behavior and standards of dress. Members agreed not to do anything that might have a negative effect on their reputation or corrupt their morals, such as dancing or reading novels.

The various Ohio chapters of the Society met in Cleveland in 1840 to agree on goals. In the early 1840s, the Female Moral Reform Society in Ohio focused on issues such as temperance and legal reform. In 1842, the Society submitted petitions to the Ohio legislature demanding that politicians make adultery a crime punishable with prison time. State legislators subsequently voted against the bill.

In the 1850s and 1860s, membership in the Female Moral Reform Society declined. Women were drawn into a number of other organizations, such as local benevolent associations. During the Civil War, the society disappeared entirely as women participated in organizations that provided aid for troops and their families.

While the Female Moral Reform Society only lasted approximately thirty years, the organization's impact was immense. It was one of the first national organizations for women. It allowed women to escape the private sphere and to play a role in the public sphere. The group united many women together and helped convince them to play an active role in bettering the United States. Many of the Female Moral Reform Society's members eventually became active in the women's rights movement, the abolitionist movement, the temperance movement, and other attempts to reform America. This organization helped show both men and women that women could and should play an active role in American life.
Part of the separate spheres ideology, the "Cult of Domesticity" identified the home as women's "proper sphere".[12] Women were supposed to inhabit the private sphere, running the household and production of food (including servants), rearing the children, and taking care of the husband.[13][14] According to Barbara Welter (1966), "True Women" were to hold and practice the four cardinal virtues:

Piety - Religion was valued because—unlike intellectual pursuits—it did not take a woman away from her "proper sphere," the home, and because it controlled women's longings.
Purity - Virginity, a woman's greatest treasure, must not be lost until her marriage night, and married women had to remain committed only to their husbands.
Submission - True women were required to be as submissive and obedient "as little children" because men were regarded as women's superiors "by God's appointment".
Domesticity - A woman's proper place was in the home and her role as a wife was to create a refuge for her husband and children. Cooking, needlework, making beds, and tending flowers were considered naturally feminine activities, whereas reading anything other than religious biographies was discouraged.
Physically, according to Wilma Pearl Mankiller, a "True Woman" was expected to be delicate, soft and weak. She should not engage in strenuous physical activity that would damage her "much more delicate nervous system."

Frances B. Cogan, however, described an overlapping but competing ideology that she called the ideal of "Real Womanhood," in which women were encouraged to be physically fit and active, involved in their communities, well educated, and artistically accomplished, although usually within the broader idea that women were best suited to the domestic sphere. The conflation of "Domesticity" and "True Womanhood" can be misleading in that dedication to the domestic sphere did not necessarily imply purity, submission, or weakness.

The characteristics of "True Womanhood" were described in sermons, books, and religious texts as well as women's magazines.Prescriptive literature advised women on how to transform their homes into domestic sanctuaries for their husbands and children. Fashion was also stressed because a woman had to stay up to date in order to please her husband. Instructions for seamstresses were often included in magazines.[19] Magazines which promoted the values of the "Cult of Domesticity" fared better financially than those competing magazines which offered a more progressive view in terms of women's roles.[20] In the United States, Peterson's Magazine and Godey's Lady's Book were the most widely circulated women's magazines[20] and were popular among both women and men.[21] With a circulation of 150,000 by 1860,[22] Godey's reflected and supported some of the ideals of the "Cult of True Womanhood."[20] The magazine's paintings and pictures illustrated the four virtues, often showing women with children or behind husbands. It also equated womanhood with motherhood and being a wife, declaring that the "perfection of womanhood (...) is the wife and mother".[23][24] The magazine presented motherhood as a woman's natural and most satisfying role and encouraged women to find their fulfillment and their contributions to society mainly within the home.[25] At the same time, the long-time editor of Godey's, Sarah Josepha Hale, encouraged women to improve themselves intellectually, to write, and to take action that would improve the moral character of their communities and their nation. Hale promoted Vassar College, advocated for female physicians, and published many of the most important female writers of the nineteenth century.[26] Frances B. Cogan argued that Godey's supported "Real Womanhood" more than "True Womanhood." Reflecting the ideals of both "True Womanhood" and "Real Womanhood," Godey's considered mothers as crucial in preserving the memory of the American Revolution and in securing its legacy by raising the next generation of citizens
The Seneca Falls Convention was the first women's rights convention in the United States. Held in July 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York, the meeting launched the women's suffrage movement, which more than seven decades later ensured women the right to vote.
Declaration of Sentiments, document, outlining the rights that American women should be entitled to as citizens, that emerged from the Seneca Falls Convention in New York in July 1848. Three days before the convention, feminists Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Mary Ann McClintock met to assemble the agenda for the meeting along with the speeches that would be made. The Declaration of Sentiments, written primarily by Stanton, was based on the Declaration of Independence to parallel the struggles of the Founding Fathers with those of the women's movement. As one of the first statements of the political and social repression of American women, the Declaration of Sentiments met with significant hostility upon its publication and, with the Seneca Falls Convention, marked the start of the women's rights movement in the United States.

The Declaration of Sentiments begins by asserting the equality of all men and women and reiterates that both genders are endowed with unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It argues that women are oppressed by the government and the patriarchal society of which they are a part. The text then lists 16 facts illustrating the extent of this oppression, including the lack of women's suffrage, participation, and representation in the government; women's lack of property rights in marriage; inequality in divorce law; and inequality in education and employment opportunities. The document insists that women be viewed as full citizens of the United States and be granted all the same rights and privileges that were granted to men.

The Declaration of Sentiments was read by Stanton at the Seneca Falls Convention on July 20 and was followed by the passage of 12 resolutions relating to women's rights. Interestingly, the only resolution that did not pass unanimously was that which called for women's suffrage, as some were concerned that the issue was too controversial and would hurt their efforts for equality in other arenas. Sixty-eight women and 32 men, including abolitionist Frederick Douglass, signed the Declaration of Sentiments, although many eventually withdrew their names because of the intense ridicule and criticism they received after the document was made public.
The very first dress reformers in fashion history worth a mention were the female political idealists of the French Revolution. Their idea of women wearing trousers was echoed in America. There a native Red Indian women in trousers was an acceptable sight. Also the realities of building a new country went hand in hand with equality for both sexes. The reform was talked of long before it was internationally promoted by Amelia Bloomer.

Amelia Bloomer 1818-1894Picture of Mrs Bloomer. Fashion history.Picture of Mrs. Bloomer. Fashion history.

In the early Victorian era, the American Mrs. Amelia Jenks Bloomer (1818-1894), caused quite a stir when she wrote an article for her feminist publication 'The Lily'. She tried to promote the idea of women abandoning their petticoats for a bi-furcated garment later known as the bloomer fashion. She suggested that woman would find trousers like those worn by Turkish women easier to wear than their voluminous heavy skirts.

The baggy bloomer trousers she liked reached to the ankle, were frill cuffed and worn with a simple knee length skirt and bodice. Bicylce wear - 1880 - Dress to wear on a tricycle.She thought it a sensible and hygienic option to the boned fashion bodices and long weighty skirts of the time.

The baggy trouser outfit was worn by a minority, including the Rational Dress Reform Society. It never gained popularity until after Mrs. Bloomer's death. Mrs. Bloomer abandoned trousers in 1857 when she admitted she found the cage crinoline comfortable compared to the weight of petticoats.

A year after her death in 1895 some women accepted a form of the bloomer fashion style. The trousers now called bloomers, were adopted as suitable cycling wear for ladies.

The reader was advised that for tricycle dress there must be no trailing garments to get entangled in the cycle cog wheels. Little wonder then that bloomers became a practical and acceptable alternative to a dress such as this.

The Rational Dress Society formed in 1881 in London approved of Mrs. Bloomer's ideas on practical fashions. The society was formed by Viscountess Harberton and Mrs. King. They drew attention to restrictive corsetry and the immobility caused by fashions of the day. The Rational Dress Society also sold boneless stays and promoted fashions that did not deform the body.

The Rational Dress Society thought no woman should have to wear more than seven pounds of underwear. This may still seem like a great deal of clothing to modern women, but the underwear was made from bulky gathered cotton or even wool flannel and both materials were heavier than shorter silk or modern synthetic garments. The figure actually halved what had been worn by most women in 1850 when ladies often wore up to 14 pounds weight of undergarments. Every layer made their movements more and more restricted.

So that women could participate in the craze for healthy cycling Lady Harberton suggested a dual garment which initially was a divided skirt worn under a long coat. The idea appealed to many as sensible and practical. Those favouring the style drew attention to its value. Accident reports of cyclists who had been encumbered by the fashion for wearing standard skirt styles often appeared in the press. Rational dress as a fashion was finally adopted in 1895 by a handful of privileged women. It was not universally worn and virtually no cycling costume is found in museums. A rare example of fashionable cycling dress from the Victorian era is held at the Platt Hall Gallery of English Costume in Manchester.

.Only limited numbers ever wore the full rational dress Lady Harberton wore. Female cyclists still risked ridicule and many preferred to wear breeches beneath a skirt and plenty more simply wore just the skirt. Lady Harberton herself was refused admittance for refreshments at the coffee room at the Hautboy Hotel. A lawsuit and heated debate followed which gave a more public airing to the idea of women wearing appropriate clothes for safe movement in activities.
Fashions in the 1850s through 1880s accented large crinolines, cumbersome bustles and padded busts with tiny waists laced into 'steam-moulded corsetry'.[4] 'Tight-lacing' formed two sides of the argument around dress reform: for dress reformists, corsets were a dangerous moral 'evil', promoting promiscuous views of female bodies and superficial dalliance into fashion whims. The obvious health risks, including damaged and rearranged internal organs, compromised fertility; weakness and general depletion of health were also blamed on excessive corsetry. Eventually, the reformers' critique of the corset joined a throng of voices clamoring against tightlacing, which became gradually more common and extreme as the 19th century progressed. Preachers inveighed against tightlacing, doctors counseled patients against it and journalists wrote articles condemning the vanity and frivolity of women who would sacrifice their health for the sake of fashion. Whereas for many corseting was accepted as necessary for beauty, health, and an upright military-style posture, dress reformists viewed tightlacing as vain and, especially at the height of the era of Victorian morality, a sign of moral indecency.

American women active in the anti-slavery and temperance movements, with experience in public speaking and political agitation demanded sensible clothing that would not restrict their movement.[5] While support for fashionable dress contested that corsets maintained an upright, 'good figure', as a necessary physical structure for moral and well-ordered society, these dress reformists contested that women's fashions were not only physically detrimental, but "the results of male conspiracy to make women subservient by cultivating them in slave psychology."[6][7] A change in fashions could change the whole position of women, allowing for greater social mobility, independence from men and marriage, the ability to work for wages, as well as physical movement and comfort.

Despite these protests, little changed in restrictive fashion and undergarments by 1900. The Edwardian Era featured a decadence of fashion following the ideal shape of the Gibson Girl, a corseted, big-bosomed ideal of femininity and sophistication.[9] Corset styles had altered slightly from the shorter-waisted, bustled 1880s vogue, but they still constricted the waist, forced the hips back with a pointed front waistline, thrust the bosom forward and curved the back into an exaggerated 'S' shape. Skirts weighed from the hips, high collars chaffed the neck, and the whole costume prevented natural movement, harmed internal organs and threatened childbearing potential.[10] Invariably, the ideal image of feminine attractiveness that a Victorian woman saw around her (in fashion plates, advertisements, etc.) was of a wasp-waisted, firmly-corseted lady.

'The Emancipation Waist.' Excerpt from 'Catalog of Dress Reform and Other Sanitary Under-Garments For Ladies and Children' George Frost and Co., Boston Mass June 1, 1876.
Dress reformers promoted the emancipation waist, or liberty bodice, as a replacement for the corset. The emancipation bodice was a tight sleeveless vest, buttoning up the front, with rows of buttons along the bottom to which could be attached petticoats and a skirt. The entire torso would support the weight of the petticoats and skirt, not just the waist (since the undesirability of hanging the entire weight of full skirts and petticoats from a constricted waist—rather than hanging the garments from the shoulders—was another point often discussed by dress reformers). The bodices had to be fitted by a dressmaker; patterns could be ordered through the mail. Physician Alice Bunker Stockham railed against the corset and said of the pregnancy corset, "The Best pregnancy corset is no corset at all." The "emancipation union under flannel" was first sold in America in 1868. It combined a waist (shirt) and drawers (leggings) in the form we now know as the union suit. While first designed for women, the union suit was also adopted by men. Indeed, it is still sold and worn today, by both men and women, as winter underclothing.

In 1878, a German professor named Gustav Jaeger published a book claiming that only clothing made of animal hair, such as wool, promoted health. A British accountant named Lewis Tomalin translated the book, then opened a shop selling Dr Jaeger's Sanitary Woollen System, including knitted wool union suits. These were soon called "Jaegers"; they were widely popular.

It is not clear how many women, in either the Americas or on the Continent, wore these so-called "reform" bodices. However, contemporary portrait photography, fashion literature, and surviving examples of the undergarments themselves, all suggest that the corset was almost universal as daily wear by women and young ladies (and numerous fashionable men) throughout much of the 19th and early 20th centuries.

Bloomer Suit
Most famous product of the dress reform era is the bloomers suit. In 1851, a New England temperance activist named Elizabeth Smith Miller (Libby Miller) adopted what she considered a more rational costume: loose trousers gathered at the ankles, like the trousers worn by Middle Eastern and Central Asian women, topped by a short dress or skirt and vest. She displayed her new clothing to temperance activist and suffragist Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who found it sensible and becoming, and adopted it immediately. In this garb, she visited yet another activist, Amelia Bloomer, the editor of the temperance magazine The Lily. Bloomer not only wore the costume, she promoted it enthusiastically in her magazine. More women wore the fashion and were promptly dubbed "Bloomers". The Bloomers put up a fight for a few years, but were subjected to ridicule in the press and harassment on the street. The more conservative of society protested that women had 'lost the mystery and attractiveness as they discarded their flowing robes."

Amelia Bloomer herself dropped the fashion in 1859, saying that a new invention, the crinoline, was a sufficient reform that she could return to conventional dress. The bloomer costume died—temporarily. It was to return much later (in a different form), as a women's athletic costume in the 1890s and early 1900s.

Aesthetic Dress movement
Main article: Artistic Dress movement
In the 1870s, a largely English movement led by Mary Eliza Haweis sought dress reform to enhance and celebrate the natural shape of the body, preferring the looser lines of the medieval and renaissance eras. A historic nostalgia for more forgiving fashions, the aesthetic dress movement critiqued fashionable dress for its immovable shapes, and sought the 'fashioning and adorning of a robe' as tastefully complementary to the natural body.

The Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood and other artistic reformers objected to the elaborately trimmed confections of Victorian fashion with their unnatural silhouette based on a rigid corset and hoops as both ugly and dishonest. Some women associated with the movement adopted a revival style based on romanticised medieval influences such as puffed juliette sleeves and trailing skirts. These styles were made in the soft colors of vegetable dyes, ornamented with hand embroidery in the art needlework style, featured silks, oriental designs, muted colors, natural and frizzed hair and lacked definitive waist emphasis.

The style spread as an "anti-fashion" called Artistic dress in the 1860s in literary and artistic circles, died back in the 1870s, and reemerged as Aesthetic dress in the 1880s, where the emphasis was not so much on honesty and purity as sensuality and languor.

Eventual shifts in fashion
Although the Victorian dress reform movement itself failed to enact widespread change in women's fashion, social, political and cultural shifts into the 1920s brought forth an organic relaxation of dress standards.

With new opportunities for women's college, the national suffrage amendment of 1920 and women's increased public career options during and after World War I, fashion and undergarment structures relaxed, along with the improved social standing of women. Embodying the New Woman idea, women donned masculine-inspired fashions including simple tailored skirt suits, ties and starched blouses. By the 1920s, male-style garments for casual and sporting activities were less socially condemned. New fashions required lighter undergarments, shorter skirts, looser bodices, trousers, and praised slender 'boyish' figures. As Lady Duff Gordon remarked, in the 1920s "women took off their corsets, reduced their clothing to the minimum tolerated by conventions and wore clothes which wrapped round them rather than fitted."
The Lily, the first newspaper for women, was issued from 1849 until 1853 under the editorship of Amelia Bloomer (1818-1894).
Published in Seneca Falls, New York and priced at 50 cents a year, the newspaper began as a temperance journal for "home distribution" among members of the Seneca Falls Ladies Temperance Society, which had formed in 1848.

Amelia Bloomer
Bloomer felt that as women lecturers were considered unseemly, writing was the best way for women to work for reform. The paper encountered a number of early obstacles and the Society's enthusiasm died out, but Bloomer felt a commitment to publish and assumed full responsibility for editing and publishing the paper.
Originally, the title page had the legend "Published by a committee of ladies", but after 1850 only Bloomer's name appeared on the masthead.
Although women's exclusion from membership in temperance societies and other reform activities was the main force behind the initial publication of The Lily, it was not at first a radical paper, its editorial stance conforming to the emerging stereotype of women as "defenders of the home."
In the first issue, Bloomer wrote:
It is woman that speaks through The Lily...Intemperance is the great foe to her peace and happiness. It is that above all that has made her Home desolate and beggared her offspring... Surely, she has the right to wield her pen for its Suppression. Surely, she may without throwing aside the modest refinements which so much become her sex, use her influence to lead her fellow mortals from the destroyer's path.
The Lily always maintained its focus on temperance. Fillers often told horror stories about the effects of alcohol. For example, the May, 1849 issue noted, "A man when drunk fell into a kettle of boiling brine at Liverpool, Onondaga Co. and was scalded to death." But gradually the newspaper began to include articles about other subjects of interest to women, many from the pen of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, writing under the pseudonym "sunflower." Her earliest articles dealt with temperance, child-bearing and education, but she soon turned to the issue of women's rights, writing about laws unfair to women and demanding change.
Bloomer Suit (1850s)
Bloomer Suit (1850s)
Bloomer was greatly influenced by Stanton and gradually became a convert to the cause of women's rights. She also became interested in dress reform, advocating that women wear the outfit that came to be known as the "Bloomer costume." Stanton and others copied a knee-length dress with pants worn by Elizabeth Smith Miller of Geneva, New York. Although Bloomer refused to take credit for inventing the pants-and-tunic outfit, her name became associated with it because she wrote articles about the unusual dress, printed illustrations in The Lily and wore the costume herself.
The circulation of The Lily rose from 500 per month to 4,000 per month because of the dress reform controversy. At the end of 1853, the Bloomers moved to Mount Vernon, Ohio, where Amelia Bloomer continued to edit The Lily, which by then had a national circulation of over 6,000. Bloomer sold The Lily in 1854 to Mary Birdsall because she and her husband, Dexter were moving to Council Bluffs, Iowa, where no facilities for publishing the paper were available.
She remained a contributing editor for the two years The Lily survived after she sold it. The Lily published its final issue December 15, 1856.
In February 1851, Elizabeth Smith Miller of Peterboro, New York wore the "Turkish dress"to Seneca Falls, New York, home of Amelia Bloomer and her temperance journal, The Lily. The next month Bloomer announced to her readers that she had adopted the dress and, in response to many inquiries, printed a description of her dress and instructions on how to make it. By June many newspapers had dubbed it the "Bloomer dress".

During the summer of 1851, the nation was seized by a "bloomer craze". Health reformer Mary Gove Nichols drafted a Declaration of Independence from the Despotism of Parisian Fashion and gathered signatures to it at lectures on woman's dress. Managers of the textile mills in Lowell, Massachusetts, gave a banquet for any of their female workers who adopted the safer dress before July 4. In Toledo, Ohio, sixty women turned out in Turkish costume at one of the city's grandest social events. Bloomer balls and bloomer picnics were held; dress reform societies and bloomer institutes were formed. A grand festival in favor of the costume was held at New York City's Broadway Tabernacle in September. In August, a woman who had spent six months sailing from Philadelphia around the Horn to California with the reform dress packed in her trunk disembarked to find that the dress had preceded her and was being displayed in the window of a San Francisco dress shop. Interest was sparked in England when Hannah Tracy Cutler and other women delegates wore the new dress to an international peace convention in London.
Brook Farm, also called the Brook Farm Institute of Agriculture and Education or the Brook Farm Association for Industry and Education, was a utopian experiment in communal living in the United States in the 1840s. It was founded by former Unitarian minister George Ripley and his wife Sophia Ripley at the Ellis Farm in West Roxbury, Massachusetts (9 miles outside of downtown Boston) in 1841 and was inspired in part by the ideals of Transcendentalism, a religious and cultural philosophy based in New England. Founded as a joint stock company, it promised its participants a portion of the profits from the farm in exchange for performing an equal share of the work. Brook Farmers believed that by sharing the workload, ample time would be available for leisure activities and intellectual pursuits.

Life on Brook Farm was based on balancing labor and leisure while working together for the benefit of the greater community. Each member could choose to do whatever work they found most appealing and all were paid equally, including women. Revenue for the community came from farming and from selling handmade products like clothing as well as through fees paid by the many visitors to Brook Farm. The main source of income was the school, which was overseen by Mrs. Ripley. A pre-school, primary school, and a college preparatory school attracted children internationally and each child was charged for his or her education. Adult education was also offered.

The community was never financially stable and had difficulty profiting from its agricultural pursuits. By 1844, the Brook Farmers adopted a societal model based on the socialist concepts of Charles Fourier and began publishing The Harbinger as an unofficial journal promoting Fourierism. Following his vision, the community members began building an ambitious structure called the Phalanstery. When the uninsured building was destroyed in a fire, the community was financially devastated and never recovered. It was fully closed by 1847. Despite the experimental commune's failure, many Brook Farmers looked back on their experience positively. Critics of the commune included Charles Lane, founder of another utopian community called Fruitlands. Nathaniel Hawthorne was a founding member of Brook Farm, though he was not a strong adherent of the community's ideals. He later fictionalized his experience in his novel The Blithedale Romance (1852).

After the community's failure, the property was operated for most of the next 130 years by a Lutheran organization as first an orphanage, and then a treatment center and school. The buildings of the Transcendentalists were destroyed by fire over the years. In 1988 the State of Massachusetts acquired 148 acres (60 ha) of the farm, which is now operated by the Massachusetts Department of Conservation and Recreation as a historic site. Brook Farm was one of the first sites in Massachusetts to be listed on the National Register of Historic Places and be designated a National Historic Site. In 1977, the Boston Landmarks Commission designated Brook Farm a Landmark, the city's highest recognition for historic sites.
Those who know his name at all associate John Humphrey Noyes (1811-86) with the Oneida Community, an experiment in communal living in the tradition of Christian Perfectionism. A business which developed from the community originally made animal traps but later became famous for tableware. Its present descendent, Oneida Limited, includes a brief history of the commune on its website, but gets no more specific than saying, "They called themselves Perfectionists and, being logical and literal, they proceeded to substitute for the small unit of home and family and individual possessions, the larger unit of group-family and group-family life." In fact, as is generally known, all adult males were considered husbands of each adult female and could apply to enjoy sexual relations. Enjoy, because for them, the purpose of sex was pleasure, community-building and spiritual progress.

The story of the Oneida Community (1848-80) has been told many times, often with diligence and occasionally with an excess of sensationalism or prudishness. However it's told, what tends to get lost in the story is the extraordinary philosophical skill with which one man, working alone and at times against formidable opposition, was able to successfully found a community based on the union of religious enthusiasm and sexual passion. Of the many who experimented with alternatives to conventional marriage in the early 19th century, only the Mormons, begun in Palmyra in upstate New York, less than 100 miles from Oneida, were as successful for as long. But the Mormons were initially driven from New York, and eventually forced to publically renounce their polygamy.

The shame that still attaches to any deviation from the prevailing sexual norm, especially concerning monogamy, is indicated by the sanitized accounts of the community one finds in the company's literature, in history books aimed at school children, and in tourist material. The Mansion House at Oneida, which once was home to over 300 people, is still standing and welcomes visitors. When the original community was flourishing, tourists were brought in regularly, and Noyes kept up a relentless promotional campaign, mainly out of the printing operation in Brooklyn, 340 miles away. The Archives of Syracuse University maintains on-line facsimiles of much of Noyes' exposition of his philosophy, but the shame factor led the modern tableware company to destroy many of the papers, letters and journals of the House's original inhabitants.

One of the charges which eventually forced Noyes to flee to Canada was statutory rape. There is no doubt that Noyes had sex with girls who were legally under age, and that his defense would never have prevailed in court; but the clarity and cogency of his reasoning is philosophically interesting. Remember that sex in Oneida was a spiritual transaction, so it was necessary that young people be initiated by someone who was spiritually advanced, and almost always this meant chronologically older by more than a few years. Pairings had to be approved by a committee, but Noyes effectively reserved the virgin girls for himself and his cronies.

Now consider his argument. First, Noyes complained that limiting sex to conventional marriage arrangements makes no provision for the sexual appetite at just the time it's strongest. He claimed that puberty commences at fourteen, but the average age of marriage was twenty-four. Thus, according to convention, most people face a decade of sexual starvation at just the time they most want sex. (This was even harder for females, because they had even less opportunity of choosing their time of marriage than men.) Of course, people don't obey the prohibition on sex outside of marriage, but this discrepancy is the source of prostitution, disease and masturbation. Defenders of the conventional system might point out that pregnancy at such a young age as fourteen is problematic, physically and economically. But Noyes had thought of this objection. In the Oneida system contraception was strictly enforced, and should a pregnancy occur, by accident or by permission, the child was provided for by the community under its communist programme.

The main negative, which Noyes does not mention in his writings, but which was often raised as an objection, is that the adolescents who so much want to have sex want to have it with someone their own age, not with someone twenty or thirty years older. Noyes would answer that only he and a few other men had the skills needed to sexually initiate young girls, and that young males should practice with post-menopausal women until they learned how to avoid ejaculation. Noyes believed that the practice of 'male continence', as he called it, was useful both as a way to enhance sexual pleasure and as a method of contraception. The available surviving evidence supports Noyes. Noyes believed that both women and men enjoy intercourse more without ejaculation, because what men desire most is to penetrate many times, and what women desire most is prolonged love-making. Male ejaculation tends to cut the session short. More importantly, perhaps, Noyes believed in self-control. For males, sexual intercourse is under control until the final phase; thus the ability to avoid ejaculation is an instance of the great virtue of self-control, admired by philosophers since antiquity.

In Noyes' telling, sex becomes a spiritual art form, far removed from animal instinct. But Noyes clearly recognized that sex serves two functions, the amative and the reproductive, and that these functions needed to be regulated in different ways. Unlike the Shakers, who relied entirely on recruitment to perpetuate the community, the Oneida group allowed for reproductive sex as needed, and eventually started a eugenics programme. More generally, Noyes established himself in the middle of the 19th century as a pioneer in women's rights and reproductive freedom.

If we think of the moralist as an ideologue of conventionally approved behaviour, then Noyes was no moralist. Someone who has to flee the country to avoid legal prosecution is a poor candidate for defender of the received moral standard. However, there is another way to understand the moralist. The moralist is responsible for coaching people on how to maximize their life satisfaction, as philosophers such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Bertrand Russell have attempted. Noyes excelled in this area, partly in the boldness of his vision, but also in the strictness of his reading of the Bible and in his success at instantiating the whole scheme in a real-life community which was economically self-sufficient, and which survived for more than thirty years in its original form. What is truly remarkable is how explicit and radical Noyes was willing to be in printed material distributed to the public.

Religion and Rationalization

Noyes is rarely mentioned as a philosopher, but he is acknowledged as a utopian thinker of note. His monumental History of American Socialisms (1870) was well received at the time and continues to be respected. To understand Noyes' philosophical accomplishment is to understand the rational basis of the community. Noyes chooses to present the Oneida story in the History by means of extensive extracts from his books The Berean (1847) and Bible Communism (1848). In fact there were quite a few roads that led to Oneida, but they fall into three categories: the Biblical, the naturalistic and the personal.

Noyes' personal life is well known. In the first six years of their marriage, John and Harriet Noyes had the heartbreaking experience of five difficult pregnancies, four resulting in still births. So his commitment to contraception had a solid foundation.

But there was much more to Noyes' sex life than his love for Harriet. Noyes was a man of enormous sexual energy and ambition. Furthermore, Noyes had a particular yearning for his neighbor's wife, Mary Cragin. This was not Mary's first dalliance with a man other than her husband, but with Noyes the spiritual and the physical bond was especially strong.

Noyes was in love with his wife, deeply. He was no casual adulterer. He also loved Mary, deeply and spiritually. He found his sex drive too strong for him to set it aside out of respect for prevailing conventions or the approval of the neighbors. If need be, he would change neighbors. Noyes was also deeply and sincerely religious, and accepted God's commands as presented in the Bible, which clearly prohibited adultery. Most people would give up at this point. Either you sin boldly, or you suffer, or you divorce, or you get another God. All these were impossible for Noyes. Self-deception and obfuscation appears the only way out, and most accounts of Noyes' thinking can't resist the suggestion that he allowed his genitals to overrule his brain.

Because the surviving testimony is contradictory, and because the implications of key terms change over time, it is now impossible to establish a precise chronology of Noyes' theory and practice. But regardless of the exact logic of its discovery, the logic of justification in Noyes' theory seems clear. A close reading of Noyes' own rationalization (I use that here as a neutral term) suggests a cumulative argument based on the convergence of considerations of human nature, careful Bible reading, and the strong personal motives just explained.

The biblical argument, as stated in Bible Communism chapter 2, proposition 5 and following, is intended to show that conventional marriage is not an institution of the Kingdom of Heaven and must give place to complex marriage. Noyes presents his revisions of the concept of marriage as an interpretation of scripture - which they are - but we can also see the revisions as a philosophical analysis of the personal problem with Mary which Noyes was determined to resolve.

The first main premise of complex marriage is the elimination of the "exclusive possession of one woman to one man." Noyes backs the elimination of exclusivity by appeal to Matthew 22:23-30, in which Jesus teaches that in the resurrection there is no marriage, and from John 17:21, where Jesus instructs his disciples to pray "that we all be one." Noyes takes this verse to require of believers a perfect community of interests, finding additional support for the unity of the members of Christ in other Biblical passages too.

The second major premise in Noyes' argument for complex rather than simple marriage, and also for communism, is also taken directly from scripture: "All that believed were together and had all things common; and sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all, as every man had need " (Acts 2:44-45); "The multitude of them that believed were of one heart and of one soul; neither said any of them that aught of the things which he possessed was his own; but they had all things common " (Acts 4:32); "Here is unity like that of the Father and the Son: All mine thine, and all thine mine " (John 17:10). Noyes argued from these that private property and rights of exclusivity are abolished in the Kingdom of God. Slavery, in the sense of one person owning another, is abolished. Marriage, in the sense of sexual exclusivity, is abolished because it is so divisive to the community. But far from being abolished, love, including sexual intercourse, is such a good thing that in the Kingdom of God there can only be more love than in the present dispensation. "The abolishment of appropriation is involved in the very nature of a true relation to Christ in the gospel, " claims Noyes. His extraordinary argument in support must be quoted at length to get the full effect:

"The possessive feeling which expresses itself by the possessive pronoun mine, is the same in essence when it relates to persons, as when it relates to money or any other property. Amativeness and acquisitiveness are only different channels of one stream. They converge as we trace them to their source. Grammar will help us to ascertain their common center; for the possessive pronoun mine, is derived from the personal pronoun I; and so the possessive feeling, whether amative or acquisitive, flows from the personal feeling, that is, it is a branch of egotism. Now egotism is abolished by the gospel relation to Christ. The grand mystery of the gospel is vital union with Christ; the merging of self in his life; the extinguishment of the pronoun I at the spiritual center... The grand distinction between the Christian and the unbeliever, between heaven and the world, is, that in one reigns the We-spirit, and in the other the I-spirit. From I comes mine, and from the I-spirit comes exclusive appropriation of money, women, etc. From we comes ours, and from the We-spirit comes universal community of interests... The abolishment of exclusiveness is involved in the love-relation required between all believers by the express injunction of Christ and the apostles, and by the whole tenor of the New Testament... We are required to love one another fervently. The fashion of the world forbids a man and woman who are otherwise appropriated, to love one another fervently. But if they obey Christ they must do this; and whoever would allow them to do this, and yet would forbid them (on any other ground than that of present expediency), to express their unity, would 'strain at a gnat and swallow a camel'; for unity of hearts is as much more important than any external expression of it, as a camel is larger than a gnat."

Noyes' argument also includes the following points: All experience (except in novels) testifies that sexual love is not naturally restricted to pairs. Second marriages are contrary to the one-love theory, and yet are often the happiest marriages. And however the truth may be concealed, men and women find universally that their susceptibility to love is not burnt out in one honeymoon, or satisfied by one lover. On the contrary, the secret history of the human heart will bear out the assertion that it is capable of loving any number of times and any number of persons, and that the more it loves the more it can love. This is the law of nature, thrust out of sight and condemned by common consent, and yet secretly known by all. Moreover, the conventional, exclusivist rule of marriage has undesirable consequences: 1) It provokes to secret adultery, actual or of the heart. 2) It ties together unmatched natures. 3) It sunders matched natures. 4) It gives to sexual appetite only a scanty and monotonous allowance, and so produces the natural vices of poverty, contraction of taste and stinginess or jealousy. 5) As mentioned, it makes no provision for the sexual appetite at the very time when it's strongest. Thus the conventions of marriage amount to a perversion of nature.

Noyes then appeals to revelation again, claiming that the restoration of true relations between the sexes is a matter second in importance only to the reconciliation of man to God. In the beginning Adam and Eve were in open, fearless, spiritual fellowship, first with God and secondly with each other. Their transgression in the Fall produced two corresponding alienations: first, an alienation from God, indicated by their fear of meeting him and hiding themselves among the trees of the garden; and secondly, an alienation from each other, indicated by their shame at their nakedness and their hiding themselves from each other by clothing. These were the two great manifestations of original sin. The first thing to be done then, in an attempt to redeem man and society, is to bring about reconciliation with God; and the second thing is to bring about a true union of the sexes. In other words, in the great enterprise of establishing the Kingdom of Heaven on Earth, religion is the first topic of interest, and sexual morality the second.

Rethinking About Sex

Besides the perhaps surprising practicality of complex marriage, the Oneida experiment indicates that somewhen in history a straightforward understanding of scripture may have been exchanged for one which reinforced sexual preferences which people already had from sources other than the Bible.

All sex in the Oneida Community was based on consent. Sexual unions were regulated and recorded. Some pairs who had been approved by committee may have helped themselves to an unapproved night or two, but signs of becoming a couple were grounds for dismissal. The layout of the mansion was such that it was easy to keep track of who was 'interviewing' whom. (We can't say 'sleeping with', since after sex individuals were required to retire to their own rooms.) Thus even though there is much to be said for complex marriage both biblically and as according to nature, the system did require sharp regulation. This was bound to lead to a general unhappiness, if not serious abuse. Both points were raised against Noyes, with some justification.

Yet John Humphrey Noyes should be acknowledged as a founder of the modern philosophy of love and sex. He formulated his premises and conclusions with clarity, made his inferences with cogency, submitted all his theories to the reality-check of practice, and distributed printed versions of this arguments to as wide a public as possible. Noyes also suffered the 'philosopher's fate', of being forced to leave his home country.
John Humphrey Noyes (1811-1886) studied at Dartmouth, Andover, and Yale Divinity school. While at Yale, he came to a new understanding of the way of salvation which he labeled as Perfectionism. This view did not hold to total depravity as did the Calvinists' view, but it saw man as reaching a state of perfection or sinless-ness at conversion. When Noyes asserted this while studying at Yale, he was denied ordination.

In the early 1840s, Noyes founded the Putney Association, a group which adopted communism as its model, and lived by Noyes' teachings of "Mutual Criticism," "Complex Marriage" and "Male Continence."

Mutual Criticism was established to assure the integrity of the community by conformity to Noyes' morality. Members were subjected to criticism directed at traits which detracted from the unity of the group. This powerful instrument remained in place throughout Noyes's leadership.

In 1848, having been driven out of Vermont on charges of adultery, Noyes escaped to New York State and set up a new community in Oneida. Members were carefully screened and Noyes set about perfecting his doctrine. It resembled the writings of Fourier in several ways. He stated, for example, that "loving companionship in labor, and especially the mingling of the sexes, makes labor attractive."

Economically, the Oneida community followed a system of "true Communism" as described in Acts 2:44-45 in which the early Christians "held all things in common, and they sold their possessions and goods and distributed them to all, as any had need."

The central tenet of Noyes's Perfectionism was "complex marriage" in which each man was married to every woman and each woman to every man. Noyes rejected conventional theology and morality, declaring that salvation was a pleasurable process and sexual shame irrational. Monogamous marriage, wrote Noyes, was "a tyrannical institution that did not exist in Heaven and eventually would be abolished on earth."

Not surprisingly, the Oneida Community was accused of immorality by outsiders. A contemporary journalist described complex marriage as an unprecedented "combination of polygamy and polyandry, with certain religious and social restraints." The restraints were considerable, as Noyes's theory of "stirpiculture," a method of birth control based on male continence, ensured no unwanted children were conceived.
Metal animal traps made by Oneida were the world's best for over 70 years. Under the brand names of Newhouse and Victor, about 120 million game traps were manufactured in Sherrill, New York. They paid for a utopia, a silverware industry and a city.

Trap-making began with the Oneida Community (1848-1880) as a famous experiment in harmonious group living. Believing in the possibility of human perfection, this religiously based group of about 250 people lived as one family dedicated to selfless behavior. They had little money at first and traps came to the rescue in their hour of greatest need.

One of their members was Sewell Newhouse, a blacksmith who had learned to hand-forge traps better than anyone else around. When the Oneida Community began making these traps, they improved Newhouse's design and mechanized the manufacturing process. They named their product Newhouse, and the traps quickly earned the reputation of being the best. "No professional trapper would look at anything else," a member of the Oneida Community remembered, "and its adoption by the great Hudson Bay Company placed it apparently on a safe footing. There was but one trap in the market and its name was 'Newhouse.'"

The Oneida Community began making traps in 1852. By the early 1860s, they were making over 200,000 a year and then, in the 1870s, over 400,000. Production on that scale demanded hiring scores of employees and building a factory. Completed in 1864, their trap facility was the largest in the country and it put them in the mainstream of American industrial development.

The Oneida Community sold other products including traveling bags, canned foods and silk thread. But traps were the main money-maker. Traps paid for their communal home, the Mansion House, and made them prosperous.

In 1881, the Oneida Community voted to become a company that would oversee the Community's successful businesses. Under the name Oneida Community, Ltd., the new enterprise still made Newhouse traps but, in 1886, introduced a less expensive line called Victors, which quickly dominated the market. The Oneida Community had been America's most successful trap maker. Their successor, Oneida Community, Ltd., became the biggest trap company in the world. In the early 1900s, two of every three traps around the globe came from Oneida's Hardware Department building in Sherrill.
COMPLEX MARRIAGE - This is where every man and every woman is married to each other. They could engage in sexual intercourse, but could not be attached to each other as stated earlier.

(2) MALE CONTINENCE - This was a form of birth control where during and after sexual intercourse the man could not ejaculate.

(3) ASCENDING FELLOWSHIP - This is where the young virgins in the community were brought into the practice of Complex Marriage. The older godly members who were in a special group and were called Central Members would pick a virgin to be spiritually responsible for. This took place when the young people were about fourteen years old.

(4) MUTUAL CRITICISM - In Mutual Criticism, each member of the community that was being reprimanded was taken in front of either a committee or sometimes the whole community to be criticized for their action.

(5) CONFESSION - The members of the community, according to Noyes, were sinless after conversion, so no confession would be needed.

(6) REGENERATION - That Christ's death was not for the sins of man, but was the first blow to Satan. But that by believing in the death of Christ, one was released from sin, because Christ destroyed the central cause of sin. By believing then, one is regenerated (Whitworth 101-102).

(7) SEPARATION - The members did separate into a community, but their main separation was to be a sexual one.

(8) REVELATION - Noyes never said that he received special revelation, though he did have some twisted interpretations. Noyes once wrote an article in "The Berean" and emphasized the credibility of scripture and denounced those who denied the validity and relevance of scripture.

(9) EQUALITY OF THE SEXES - The Oneida Community believed in equality of the sexes as stated earlier.

(10) MILLENNIAL KINGDOM - That the Millennial Kingdom had been introduced in A.D. 70 at which time Noyes thought Christ had made His Second Coming
The philosophical movement known as Transcendentalist was in full swing when Unitarian minister George Ripley founded Brook Farm in the rural Boston suburb of West Roxbury in 1841. The community wasn't particularly unique for its time—after all, more than 80 utopian communities were launched in the 1840s alone—but it was notable as the first purely secular one. Members farmed the land together and held the fruits of their labor in common. The idea was that this would give settlers more time to pursue their own literary and scientific interests, which would then benefit the rest of humankind. Money troubles and internal squabbling eventually eroded the community, which disbanded after only a few years in existence. Founding member Nathaniel Hawthorne ended up having a pretty miserable time there, which he would later document in his fictionalized account of Brook Farm, "Blithedale Romance."

Fruitlands (1843-1844): The Farm Without Farmers
Bronson Alcott, cofounder of Fruitlands and father of Louisa May Alcott.
Bronson Alcott, cofounder of Fruitlands and father of Louisa May Alcott.
Fruitlands was founded in Harvard, Massachusetts, as a self-sufficient farming community by Charles Lane and Bronson Alcott, two men with no practical experience in either farming or self-sufficiency. In contrast to the more freewheeling ethos of Brook Farm, Lane advocated a far more rigorous lifestyle. Settlers were forbidden to eat meat, consume stimulants, use any form of animal labor, create artificial light, enjoy hot baths or drink anything but water. Lane's ideas later evolved to include celibacy within marriage, which caused no small amount of friction between him and his most loyal disciple, Bronson Alcott, who had relocated his wife and four daughters to Fruitlands in a characteristic fit of enthusiasm. Bronson's family included a young Louisa May Alcott, future author of "Little Women." Louisa, her sisters and their mother appear to have been saddled with the lion's share of labor at Fruitlands, despite lip service from Lane about the alleged equality of the sexes. When winter set in and life at Fruitlands became increasingly harsh, most of its original members fled for more congenial settings. Louisa later wrote a scathing, barely fictionalized report of life at Fruitlands called "Transcendental Wild Oats." The community lasted less than seven months in total.

The settlement of New Harmony in Indiana was established to allow its members to pursue the study of the sciences and natural philosophy without the encumbrances of modern, capitalist life. Its founder, social reformer Robert Owen, successfully lured away from Philadelphia an entire community of scientists who at the time were considered the brightest and most promising in the nation, including several founding members of the National Academy of Science. Many of these original settlers traveled by boat together to their new home in a journey that was referred to as the "Boatload of Knowledge." The community thrived for four years before collapsing amid internal disputes over money. But it did succeed in establishing a western center of scientific discovery at a time when these activities were largely confined to the northeastern states.

Oneida (1848−1881): The Complex Marriage
list utopias oneidaThe Oneida colonists in upstate New York considered themselves all to be married to each other in a practice they called "complex marriage." Monogamy was thoroughly rejected, and all decisions about childbearing and procreation were handled by committee. Not to say there weren't slip-ups: A number of children were born without the sanction of the community, though they appear to have been provided for just as if they'd been planned in accordance with the rules. Mothers were only given the care of their offspring for the first few years of life, while the community at large assumed responsibility for older children.

The Shakers (1745-): The Simple Life
list utopias shakersTechnically founded in the 18th century, the Shakers nevertheless enjoyed a heyday in the 19th, spawning numerous settlements across the United States, attracting converts and adopting infants and children who were left in their care. The Shakers are known today mostly for their starkly simple furniture design, the successful manufacture and sale of which was a primary reason for their enduring success. Shakers practiced celibacy and communal ownership of goods, along with a strict separation of the sexes in both work and life. Membership dwindled in the early 20th century, eventually leading to the consolidation of more than a dozen communities into just a few. Most Shaker settlements have now been converted into museums, although one small cluster still persists in their unique way of life in a small community in rural Maine.
Many Christians believe that they face a painful choice-- either life was designed by God or it is an evolutionary product of natural selection. Charles Darwin himself believed in this dichotomy, and people ever since have felt the need to "choose sides". However, looking back at history, we find that one of Darwin's chief scientific colleagues, Asa Gray, did not share this perspective. As a man devoted to the Christian faith, Gray believed that living creatures were the handiwork of God, but that did not cause him to reject evolution. Instead, after examining the evidence, Gray accepted evolution and the divine design of life.

One of the primary reasons that Darwin rejected biological design was due to the preponderance of pain and death that he observed in the natural world. Gray was alert to these troubling facts as well, but he also embraced the God of the Bible who redeems life from suffering and death rather than avoiding them altogether. By trusting the Gospel, Gray could reconcile the problem of natural evil with the existence of a benevolent, active, loving God.

In this three-part essay, part 1 charts the relationship of Asa Gray and Charles Darwin. Part 2 describes Darwin's struggle with the problem of natural evil and design in nature, and part 3 explores how Asa Gray was able to embrace evolution without rejecting the idea of design.

Asa Gray
If Thomas Huxley earned the title of "Darwin's bulldog," then Asa Gray should be remembered as "Darwin's dove." Whereas Huxley enjoyed a good fight in his defense of Darwin's theory, Gray sought to mediate and bring sides together around a common understanding of "good science." As Darwin's strongest and most vocal scientific ally in the United States, Gray recognized the scientific importance of Darwin's efforts for the growing professionalism of biological researchers.

But as an orthodox Christian, a Presbyterian firmly devoted to the faith expressed in the Nicene Creed, Gray saw in Darwin's theory both evidence for his philosophical commitment to natural theology and support for his opposition to the idealism advocated by Louis Agassiz and theNaturphilosophen in both Europe and America. Indeed, Agassiz's advocacy of Platonic forms as a basis of biological understanding (e.g., "A species is a thought of the creator")1 would be a major source of American opposition to Darwin's theory.

Professor of botany at Harvard during most of the middle half of the nineteenth century, Gray was one of the few members of the scientific community to whom Darwin revealed his theory before the publication of On the Origin of Species, and, from what I can tell, the only American. Gray and Darwin met briefly in January 1839 during one of Gray's visits to England. Later, during the 1850s, Darwin wrote Gray on several occasions requesting information--a practice that Darwin frequently employed. In 1854, Darwin's friend and confidant, Joseph Hooker, showed Darwin Gray's review of Hooker's Flora of New Zealand, in which Gray had argued strongly against Louis Agassiz's idealism and had raised questions from his own work on the stability of species. Gray was not yet ready to deny their permanence, but hybrids and other observations were beginning to trouble him.

The next year Gray wrote a lucid and penetrating positive evaluation of Alphonse De Candolle's two-volumeGéographie botanique raisonnée, a pioneering work dealing with plant geography and distribution from a statistical perspective. Hooker had sneeringly dismissed the work. In A. Hunter Dupree's authoritative biography of Gray, he describes Gray's puzzlement at Hooker's response in these terms:

Although in the long view Gray's evaluation of the epoch-making nature of De Candolle's book was more justified than Hooker's sneers, [Gray was confused by his response, for] Hooker seemed to be talking with a more comprehensive theory definitely in mind, some reason for taking his position, which he did not divulge and which his friend [Gray] did not possess.2
Darwin, however, saw in both Gray's review of Hooker's book and in his comments on De Candolle's tome that Gray was troubled by some of the same empirical data that had been bothering him. In April 1855, Darwin wrote Gray to urge that Gray update his Manual of the Botany of the Northern United States first published in 1848, and especially to address the issue of the range of Alpine plants in the United States. Specifically, he said: "Now I would say it is your duty to generalise as far as you safely can from your as yet completed work."3

Behind this request was Darwin's desire to test his impression that Gray could make a good ally. Gray passed the test, and finally, in July 1857, Darwin let Gray in on his theory of the transmutation of species. Gray was never an uncritical supporter, and there are many evidences in the correspondence between these two scientists that Gray was willing to challenge Darwin and disagree with some of his conclusions. Nevertheless, Gray saw the importance of Darwin's work and the ways in which it provided answers to the troublesome issues that he had confronted in his own botanical efforts.

Gray responds to Darwin's theory
After considerable interchange--one might even say debate--among Gray, Darwin, and Hooker, Gray wrote to Hooker in October 1859 (one month before the publication of On the Origin of Species) saying that he had absolutely no problem with cognate species arising by variation. He did, however, raise a concern that would be the source of much future discussion. He wondered about Darwin's "carry[ing] out this view to its ultimate and legitimate results,--how [do] you connect the philosophy of religion with the philosophy of your science." He added: "I should feel uneasy if I could not connect them into a consistent whole--i.e., fundamental principles of science should not be in conflict."4

When Origins was published, Gray wrote a clear, positive, yet critical review in The American Journal of Science. Aware of mounting religious opposition, he ended his review by arguing that whereas one could use Darwin's theory in support of an atheistic view of Nature, one could use any scientific theory in that way. He wrote: "The theory of gravitation and ... the nebular hypothesis assume a universal and ultimate physical cause, from which the effects in nature must necessarily have resulted."5 He did not see the physicists and astronomers who adopted Newton's theories as atheists or pantheists, though Leibniz earlier had raised such reservations. And a similar situation existed with the origin of species by natural selection. Darwin, Gray continued: "merely takes up a particular, proximate cause, or set of such causes, from which, it is argued, the present diversity of species has or may have contingently resulted. The author does not say necessarily resulted."6

This far Gray could go with Darwin. But there was a point at which he parted company, and that was the fortuitousrandomness of the process that Darwin's theory seemed to imply.
Modern pain control through anesthesia was discovered in the mid-19th century. Before the advent of anesthesia, surgery was a traumatically painful procedure and surgeons were encouraged to be as swift as possible to minimize patient suffering. This also meant that operations were largely restricted to amputations and external growth removals.

Beginning in the 1840s, surgery began to change dramatically in character with the discovery of effective and practical anaesthetic chemicals such as ether, first used by the American surgeon Crawford Long (1815-1878), and chloroform, discovered by James Young Simpson (1811-1870) and later pioneered in England by John Snow (1813-1858), physician to Queen Victoria, who in 1853 administered chloroform to her during childbirth, and in 1854 disproved the miasma theory of contagion by tracing a cholera outbreak in London to an infected water pump.[46] In addition to relieving patient suffering, anaesthesia allowed more intricate operations in the internal regions of the human body. In addition, the discovery of muscle relaxants such as curare allowed for safer applications. American surgeon J. Marion Sims (1813-83) received credit for helping found Gynecology, but later was criticized for failing to use anesthesia on African test subjects.

Antiseptic surgery[edit]

Joseph Lister, pioneer of antiseptic surgery.
The introduction of anesthetics encouraged more surgery, which inadvertently caused more dangerous patient post-operative infections. The concept of infection was unknown until relatively modern times. The first progress in combating infection was made in 1847 by the Hungarian doctor Ignaz Semmelweis who noticed that medical students fresh from the dissecting room were causing excess maternal death compared to midwives. Semmelweis, despite ridicule and opposition, introduced compulsory handwashing for everyone entering the maternal wards and was rewarded with a plunge in maternal and fetal deaths, however the Royal Society dismissed his advice.

Until the pioneering work of British surgeon Joseph Lister in the 1860s, most medical men believed that chemical damage from exposures to bad air (see "miasma") was responsible for infections in wounds, and facilities for washing hands or a patient's wounds were not available.[47] Lister became aware of the work of French chemist Louis Pasteur, who showed that rotting and fermentation could occur under anaerobic conditions if micro-organisms were present. Pasteur suggested three methods to eliminate the micro-organisms responsible for gangrene: filtration, exposure to heat, or exposure to chemical solutions. Lister confirmed Pasteur's conclusions with his own experiments and decided to use his findings to develop antiseptic techniques for wounds. As the first two methods suggested by Pasteur were inappropriate for the treatment of human tissue, Lister experimented with the third, spraying carbolic acid on his instruments. He found that this remarkably reduced the incidence of gangrene and he published his results in The Lancet. [48] Later, on 9 August 1867, he read a paper before the British Medical Association in Dublin, on the Antiseptic Principle of the Practice of Surgery, which was reprinted in The British Medical Journal.[49][50][51] His work was groundbreaking and laid the foundations for a rapid advance in infection control that saw modern antiseptic operating theatres widely used within 50 years.

Lister continued to develop improved methods of antisepsis and asepsis when he realised that infection could be better avoided by preventing bacteria from getting into wounds in the first place. This led to the rise of sterile surgery. Lister instructed surgeons under his responsibility to wear clean gloves and wash their hands in 5% carbolic solution before and after operations, and had surgical instruments washed in the same solution.[52] He also introduced the steam steriliser to sterilize equipment. His discoveries paved the way for a dramatic expansion to the capabilities of the surgeon; for his contributions he is often regarded as the father of modern surgery. These three crucial advances - the adoption of a scientific methodology toward surgical operations, the use of anaesthetic and the introduction of sterilised equipment - laid the groundwork for the modern invasive surgical techniques of today.

In the late 19th century William Stewart Halstead (1852-1922) laid out basic surgical principles for asepsis known as Halsteads principles. Halsted also introduced the latex medical glove. After one of his nurses suffered skin damage due to having to sterilize her hands with carbolic acid, Halsted had a rubber glove that could be dipped in carbolic acid designed.
Greek Revival is an excellent example of a style that gained popularity by exploring parallels between an earlier culture and the present day. With British influence waning considerably after the War of 1812 and the nation rapidly expanding westward, the style was fundamentally an expression of America's triumphant sense of destiny and the sense that our newly formed nation was the spiritual descendant of Greece, birthplace of democracy. Americans' sympathy and support for Greece's war of independence from Turkey also contributed to this idiom's influence. Popular from 1825to 1860, in more isolated parts of the country, the style was prevalent right up to the Civil War.

In time, Greek Revival even became known as the national style, so pervasive were the temple-fronted façades on the nation's churches, banks, town halls, and houses. Appropriate to the nation's emerging sense of self, one of the country's first Greek Revival buildings was the Second Bank of the United States, built in Philadelphia between 1819 and 1824. Fostered by building handbooks used by carpenters and builders, the style moved West with the early settlers and acquired subtle regional differences along the way. Not surprisingly, the fastest growing regions ended up with the largest number of Greek Revival homes. Popular fascination with Greek Revival began to wane toward the late 1800s as architects in the East explored other styles, such as Gothic and Italianate.

Homes in the Greek Revival style were usually painted white to resemble the white marble of impressive and costly public buildings. The details were bold, but with simple moldings. Heavy cornices, gables with pediments, and unadorned friezes were typical. The gable-fronted house, found throughout America, is one of the style's enduring legacies.

Stucco and wood, and occasionally stone, are the essential building materials of the Greek Revival style. Intended to resemble stone or marble temples the buildings were usually painted white or enhanced with a faux finish such as the Lee Mansion at Arlington National Cemetery.

Low pitched gable and hip roofs were typical. The cornice line was embellished with a wide band of trim to emphasis the temple-like roof. Standing seam tin or cedar shingles were materials used at the time.

The size of window panes in historically accurate Greek Revival residences typically reflected mid-nineteenth century glazing technologies. Windows were thus mostly double hung with six panes to each sash. Decorative windows were frequently in three-part assemblages. Among the style's unique features are the small rectangular windows set into the frieze beneath the cornice that replaced thecommon dormer. Window surrounds tended to be less elaborate than doorways.

Columns and pilasters are among the most common elements of Greek Revival. Although classical columns are round, by definition, the Greek Revival style also used square or even octagonal columns. The columns were designed without bases as in the Greek style or with bases as in a Roman adaptation. Columns could be fluted or smooth, but they were almost always built of wood.

The most common and simplest capital style found in Greek Revival is Doric; only a small percentage are Ionic, with even fewer in the Corinthian mode. Occasionally designers used pilasters much like columns, marching them across the front faccade of the wall to which they are attached.

Because the vault design was unknown to the Greeks, a simple post-and-beam construction was widely used. For this reason, the arched entrances and fanlights common in the Georgian and Federal styles were not part of the Greek revival movement.

Elaborate door surrounds were frequent features of Greek Revival homes. Typically, small-paned sidelights and a rectangular transom were framed by heavy, wide trim, sometimes recessed for a more three-dimensional look. The door itself might be single or double, divided into one, two, or four panels. Almost invariably, a portico or porch was added in front of the entrance.
Frank Lloyd Wright, original name Frank Lincoln Wright, (born June 8, 1867, Richland Center, Wisconsin, U.S.—died April 9, 1959, Phoenix, Arizona), architect and writer, the most abundantly creative genius of American architecture. His "Prairie style" became the basis of 20th-century residential design in the United States.
Early Life

Wright's mother, Anna Lloyd-Jones, was a schoolteacher, aged 24, when she married a widower, William C. Wright, an itinerant 41-year-old musician and preacher. The Wrights moved with their infant son, Frank Lincoln (he would later change his middle name to Lloyd), to Iowa in 1869 and then lived successively in Rhode Island and Weymouth, Massachusetts, before eventually moving back to Wright's mother's home state of Wisconsin. The young Wright attended the University of Wisconsin at Madison for a few terms in 1885-86 as a special student, but as there was no instruction in architecture, he took engineering courses. In order to supplement the family income, Wright worked for the dean of engineering, but he did not like his situation nor the commonplace architecture around him. He dreamed of Chicago, where great buildings of unprecedented structural ingenuity were rising.
The Early Chicago Years

Wright left Madison early in 1887 for Chicago, where he found employment with J.L. Silsbee, doing architectural detailing. Silsbee, a magnificent sketcher, inspired Wright to achieve a mastery of ductile line and telling accent. In time Wright found more rewarding work in the important architectural firm of Dankmar Adler and Louis Sullivan. Wright soon became chief assistant to Sullivan, and in June 1889 he married Catherine Tobin. He worked under Sullivan until 1893, at which time he opened his own architectural practice. His family grew to six children, while his firm grew until as many as 10 assistants were employed.

The first work from the new office, a house for W.H. Winslow, was sensational and skillful enough to attract the attention of the most influential architect in Chicago, Daniel Burnham, who offered to subsidize Wright for several years if Wright would study in Europe to become the principal designer in Burnham's firm. It was a solid compliment, but Wright refused, and this difficult decision strengthened his determination to search for a new and appropriate Midwestern architecture.

Other young architects were searching in the same way; this trend became known as the "Prairie school" of architecture. By 1900 Prairie architecture was mature, and Frank Lloyd Wright, 33 years old and mainly self-taught, was its chief practitioner. The Prairie school was soon widely recognized for its radical approach to building modern homes. Utilizing mass-produced materials and equipment, mostly developed for commercial buildings, the Prairie architects discarded elaborate compartmentalization and detailing for bold, plain walls, roomy family living areas, and perimeter heating below broad glazed areas. Comfort, convenience, and spaciousness were economically achieved. Wright alone built about 50 Prairie houses from 1900 to 1910. The typical Wright-designed residence from this period displayed a wide, low roof over continuous window bands that turned corners, defying the conventional boxlike structure of most houses, and the house's main rooms flowed together in an uninterrupted space.

Robie House, Chicago, by Frank Lloyd Wright, 1909.
The lobby of the Rookery (1886), a Chicago building designed by Daniel H. Burnham and John Wellborn Root, was renovated by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1905.
Robie House, Chicago, by Frank Lloyd Wright, 1909.
Hedrich-Blessing photo
The lobby of the Rookery (1886), a Chicago building designed by Daniel H. Burnham and John Wellborn Root, was renovated by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1905.
© Index Open
During this period Wright lectured repeatedly; his most famous talk, The Art and Craft of the Machine, was first printed in 1901. His works were featured in local exhibitions from 1894 through 1902. In that year he built the home of the W.W. Willitses, the first masterwork of the Prairie school. In 1905 he traveled to Japan.

By now Wright's practice encompassed apartment houses, group dwellings, and recreation centres. Most remarkable were his works for business and church. The administrative block for the Larkin Company, a mail-order firm in Buffalo, New York, was erected in 1904 (demolished in 1950). Abutting the railways, it was sealed and fireproof, with filtered, conditioned, mechanical ventilation; metal desks, chairs, and files; ample sound-absorbent surfaces; and excellently balanced light, both natural and artificial. Two years later the Unitarian church of Oak Park, Illinois, Unity Temple, was under way; in 1971 it was registered as a national historic landmark. Built on a minimal budget, the small house of worship and attached social centre achieved timeless monumentality. The congregation still meets in the building's intimate, top-lit cube of space, which is turned inward, away from city noises. The Unity Temple improved on the Larkin Building in the consistency of its structure (it was built of concrete, with massive walls and reinforced roof) and in the ingenious interior ornament that emphasized space while subordinating mass. Unlike many contemporary architects, Wright took advantage of ornament to define scale and accentuation.
Europe And Japan

By 1909 Wright's estrangement from his wife and his relationship with Mamah Cheney, the wife of one of his former clients, were damaging his ability to obtain architectural commissions. In that year Wright began work on his own house near Spring Green, Wisconsin, which he named Taliesin, before he left for Europe that September. Abroad, Wright set to work on two books, both first published in Germany, which became famous; a grand double portfolio of his drawings (Ausgeführte Bauten und Entwürfe, 1910) and a smaller but full photographic record of his buildings (Ausgeführte Bauten, 1911). With a draftsman, Taylor Willey, and his eldest son, Lloyd Wright, the architect produced the numerous beautiful drawings published in these portfolios by reworking renderings brought from Chicago, Oak Park, and Wisconsin.

By 1911 Wright and Cheney, still unmarried since Wright could not get a divorce, were living at Taliesin. Wright's career suffered from unfavourable publicity generated by his relationship with Cheney, but he found a few loyal clients like the Avery Coonleys, whose suburban estate, west of Chicago, the grand masterwork of the Prairie style, he had designed in 1908. In 1912 Wright designed his first skyscraper, a slender concrete slab, prophetic but unbuilt.

At this time the Japanese began to consider Wright as architect for a new Tokyo hotel where visitors could be officially entertained and housed in Western style. Thus, early in 1913 he and Cheney spent some months in Japan. The following year Wright was occupied in Chicago with the rushed construction of Midway Gardens, a complex planned to include open-air dining, other restaurants, and clubs. Symmetrical in plan, this building was sparklingly decorated with abstract and near-abstract art and ornament. Its initial success was cut short by Prohibition, however, and it was later demolished. Just before Midway Gardens opened, Wright was dealt a crushing blow; Cheney and her children, who were visiting her at Taliesin, and four others were killed by an insane houseman, and the living quarters of the house were devastated by fire.

Stunned by the tragedy, Wright began to rebuild his home and was soon joined by the sculptor Miriam Noel, who became his mistress. In 1916 they went to Japan, which was to be their home for five years.

The Imperial Hotel (1915-22, dismantled 1967) in Tokyo was one of Wright's most significant works in its lavish comfort, splendid spaces, and unprecedented construction. Because of its revolutionary, floating cantilever construction, it was one of the only large buildings that safely withstood the devastating earthquake that struck Tokyo in 1923. No one still doubted Wright's complete mastery of his art, but he continued to experience difficulty in acquiring major commissions because of his egocentric and unconventional behaviour and the scandals that surrounded his private life.
The '20s And '30s

Wright's transpacific journeys took him to California, where he met a wealthy, demanding client, Aline Barnsdall, who about 1920 built to Wright's designs a complex of houses and studios amid gardens on an estate called Olive Hill; these now serve as the Municipal Art Gallery in Hollywood. In 1923 and 1924 Wright built four houses in California, using textured concrete blocks with a fresh sense of form.

Late in 1922 Wright's wife Catherine divorced him at last. His relationship with Miriam Noel ended, and in 1925 Taliesin again burned, struck by lightning, and again Wright rebuilt it. That same year a Dutch publication, Wendingen, presented Wright's newer work fully and handsomely, with praise from Europeans. In 1924 Wright had met Olgivanna Hinzenberg; soon she came to live with Wright permanently, and they married in 1928. Meanwhile, Wright's finances had fallen into a catastrophic state; in 1926-27 he sold a great collection of Japanese prints but could not rescue Taliesin from the bank that seized it. Amid these debacles, Wright began to write An Autobiography, as well as a series of articles on architecture, which appeared in 1927 and 1928. Finally, some of Wright's admirers set up Wright, Incorporated—a firm that owned his talents, his properties, and his debts—that effectively shielded him. In 1929 Wright designed a tower of studios cantilevered from a concrete core, to be built in New York City; in various permutations it appeared as one of his best concepts. (In 1956 the St. Mark's Tower project was finally realized as the Price Tower in Bartlesville, Oklahoma.)
The artist Thomas Cole is generally acknowledged as the founder of the Hudson River School.[6] Cole took a steamship up the Hudson in the autumn of 1825, the same year the Erie Canal opened, stopping first at West Point, then at Catskill landing. He hiked west high up into the eastern Catskill Mountains of New York State to paint the first landscapes of the area. The first review of his work appeared in the New York Evening Post on November 22, 1825.[7] At that time, only the English native Cole, born in a landscape where autumnal tints were of browns and yellows, found the brilliant autumn hues of the area to be inspirational.[6] Cole's close friend, Asher Durand, became a prominent figure in the school as well.[8] An important part of the popularity of the Hudson River School was its celebration of its themes of nationalism, nature, and property. However, its leading artists, such as Thomas Cole, were also suspicious (or perhaps ambivalent) of the economic and technological development of the age.

Asher Brown Durand, The Catskills, 1859, Walters Art Museum, reflects the "sublime landscape" approach employed by the Hudson River school of painting.[10]
The second generation of Hudson River school artists emerged to prominence after Cole's premature death in 1848; its members included Cole's prize pupil Frederic Edwin Church, John Frederick Kensett, and Sanford Robinson Gifford. Works by artists of this second generation are often described as examples of Luminism. In addition to pursuing their art, many of the artists, including Kensett, Gifford and Church, were among the founders of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City.

Most of the finest works of the Hudson River school were painted between 1855 and 1875. During that time, artists such as Frederic Edwin Church and Albert Bierstadt were celebrities. They were both influenced by the Düsseldorf school of painting, and Bierstadt had studied in that city for several years. When Church exhibited paintings such as Niagara[12] or Icebergs of the North,[13] thousands of people lined up around the block and paid fifty cents a head to view the solitary works. The epic size of the landscapes in these paintings, unexampled in earlier American painting, reminded Americans of the vast, untamed, but magnificent wilderness areas in their country. Such works were being painted during the period of settlement of the American West, preservation of national parks, and establishment of green city parks.
first publicly available photographic process, and for nearly twenty years it was the one most commonly used.

Invented by Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre and introduced worldwide in 1839,[4][5][6] daguerreotype was almost completely superseded by 1860 with new, less expensive processes yielding more readily viewable images. During the past few decades, there has been a small revival of daguerreotypy among photographers interested in making artistic use of early photographic processes.

To make the image, a daguerreotypist would polish a sheet of silver-plated copper to a mirror finish, treat it with fumes that made its surface light sensitive, expose it in a camera for as long as was judged to be necessary, which could be as little as a few seconds for brightly sunlit subjects or much longer with less intense lighting; make the resulting latent image on it visible by fuming it with mercury vapor; remove its sensitivity to light by liquid chemical treatment, rinse and dry it, then seal the easily marred result behind glass in a protective enclosure.

The image is on a mirror-like silver surface, normally kept under glass, and will appear either positive or negative, depending on the angle at which it is viewed, how it is lit and whether a light or dark background is being reflected in the metal. The darkest areas of the image are simply bare silver; lighter areas have a microscopically fine light-scattering texture. The surface is very delicate, and even the lightest wiping can permanently scuff it. Some tarnish around the edges is normal.

Several types of antique photographs, most often ambrotypes and tintypes, but sometimes even old prints on paper, are very commonly misidentified as daguerreotypes, especially if they are in the small, ornamented cases in which daguerreotypes made in the US and UK were usually housed. The name "daguerreotype" correctly refers only to one very specific image type and medium, the product of a process that was in wide use only from the early 1840s to the late 1850s.
There are many biographers who have published works on the life of Stephen Collins Foster, but details can differ widely. In addition, Foster wrote very little biographical information himself. His brother Morrison Foster destroyed much of the information about Stephen that he judged to reflect negatively upon the family.[5]

Early years[edit]
Stephen Foster was born on July 4, 1826.[6] His parents were William Barclay Foster and Eliza Clayland Tomlinson. He was the youngest of three sisters and six brothers. Foster attended private academies in Allegheny, Athens, and Towanda, Pennsylvania. He received an education in English grammar, diction, the classics, penmanship, Latin, Greek, and mathematics. Though they lived in a northern city, his family did not support the abolition of slavery.[6] His older brother Morrison was a notable influence throughout Stephen's life.[5]

Foster was able to teach himself to play the clarinet, violin, guitar, flute and piano. He did not have formal instruction in composition but he was helped by Henry Kleber (1816-97), a German-born music dealer in Pittsburgh. Kleber was a songwriter, impresario, accompanist, and conductor.[7]

In 1839, his elder brother William was serving his apprenticeship as an engineer at Towanda and thought Stephen would benefit from being under his supervision. The site of the Camptown Races is 30 miles (48 km) from Athens, PA, and 15 miles from Towanda. Stephen attended Athens Academy from 1839 to 1841. He wrote his first composition, "Tioga Waltz" while attending Athens Academy and performed it during the 1841 commencement exercises; he was 14. It was not published during the composer's lifetime, but it is included in the collection of published works by Morrison Foster.[citation needed]

Foster's education included a brief period at Jefferson College in Washington, Pennsylvania, (now Washington & Jefferson College).[8][nb 1] His tuition was paid, but he had little spending money.[8] He left Canonsburg to visit Pittsburgh with another student and did not return.[8]

During his teenage years, Foster was influenced by two men. Henry Kleber (1816-1897), one of Foster's few formal music instructors, was a classically trained musician who emigrated from Darmstadt, Germany, to Pittsburgh and opened a music store. Dan Rice was an entertainer, a clown, and blackface singer, making his living in traveling circuses.
Romanticism (also the Romantic era or the Romantic period) was an artistic, literary, musical and intellectual movement that originated in Europe toward the end of the 18th century, and in most areas was at its peak in the approximate period from 1800 to 1850. Romanticism was characterized by its emphasis on emotion and individualism as well as glorification of all the past and nature, preferring the medieval rather than the classical. It was partly a reaction to the Industrial Revolution,[1] the aristocratic social and political norms of the Age of Enlightenment, and the scientific rationalization of nature—all components of modernity.[2] It was embodied most strongly in the visual arts, music, and literature, but had a major impact on historiography,[3] education,[4] the social sciences, and the natural sciences.[5][not in citation given] It had a significant and complex effect on politics, with romantic thinkers influencing liberalism, radicalism, conservatism and nationalism.[6]

The movement emphasized intense emotion as an authentic source of aesthetic experience, placing new emphasis on such emotions as apprehension, horror and terror, and awe—especially that experienced in confronting the new aesthetic categories of the sublimity and beauty of nature. It elevated folk art and ancient custom to something noble, but also spontaneity as a desirable characteristic (as in the musical impromptu). In contrast to the Rationalism and Classicism of the Enlightenment, Romanticism revived medievalism[7] and elements of art and narrative perceived as authentically medieval in an attempt to escape population growth, early urban sprawl, and industrialism.

Although the movement was rooted in the German Sturm und Drang movement, which preferred intuition and emotion to the rationalism of the Enlightenment, the events and ideologies of the French Revolution were also proximate factors. Romanticism assigned a high value to the achievements of "heroic" individualists and artists, whose examples, it maintained, would raise the quality of society. It also promoted the individual imagination as a critical authority allowed of freedom from classical notions of form in art. There was a strong recourse to historical and natural inevitability, a Zeitgeist, in the representation of its ideas. In the second half of the 19th century, Realism was offered as a polar opposite to Romanticism.[8] The decline of Romanticism during this time was associated with multiple processes, including social and political changes and the spread of nationalism.
Transcendentalists desire to ground their religion and philosophy in principles not based on, or falsifiable by, physical experience, but rather those that derive from the inner spiritual or mental essence of the human.[citation needed] Transcendentalism merged English and German Romanticism, the Biblical criticism of Herder and Schleiermacher, and the skepticism of Hume,[1] and the transcendental philosophy of Immanuel Kant (and of German Idealism more generally), interpreting Kant's a priori categories as a priori knowledge. Early transcendentalists were largely unacquainted with German philosophy in the original and relied primarily on the writings of Thomas Carlyle, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Victor Cousin, Germaine de Staël, and other English and French commentators for their knowledge of it. The transcendental movement can be described as an American outgrowth of English Romanticism.

Transcendentalists believe that society and its institutions—particularly organized religion and political parties—corrupt the purity of the individual. They have faith that people are at their best when truly "self-reliant" and independent. It is only from such real individuals that true community can form. Even with this necessary individuality, transcendentalists also believe that all people are outlets for the "Over-soul." Because the Over-soul is one, this unites all people as one being. Emerson alludes to this concept in the introduction of the American Scholar address, "that there is One Man, - present to all particular men only partially, or through one faculty; and that you must take the whole society to find the whole man." Such an ideal is in harmony with Transcendentalist individualism, as each person is empowered to behold within him or herself a piece of the divine Over-soul.

In the morning I bathe my intellect in the stupendous and cosmogonal philosophy of the Bhagavat Geeta, since whose composition years of the gods have elapsed, and in comparison with which our modern world and its literature seem puny and trivial; and I doubt if that philosophy is not to be referred to a previous state of existence, so remote is its sublimity from our conceptions. I lay down the book and go to my well for water, and lo! there I meet the servant of the Brahmin, priest of Brahma, and Vishnu and Indra, who still sits in his temple on the Ganges reading the Vedas, or dwells at the root of a tree with his crust and water-jug. I meet his servant come to draw water for his master, and our buckets as it were grate together in the same well. The pure Walden water is mingled with the sacred water of the Ganges.

Transcendentalists differ in their interpretations of the practical aims of will. Some adherents link it with utopian social change; Brownson, for example, connected it with early socialism, but others consider it an exclusively individualist and idealist project. Emerson believed the latter; in his 1842 lecture "The Transcendentalist", he suggested that the goal of a purely transcendental outlook on life was impossible to attain in practice
Emerson's statement regarding the importance of the individual in moral and intellectual development is "Self-Reliance." His essay supports the American Transcendental movement's philosophical pillar: that the individual is identical with the world, and that world exists in unity with God. Through this logic, it follows that the individual soul is one with God, thusly eliminating the need for an outside institution (VanSpanckeren Net). In order to fully understand American Transcendentalism, and Emerson's place in it, the movement's origin and evolution must first be explored.

The roots of American Transcendentalism reach back into the eighteenth century. Religion in New England had been dominated by Calvinist ideologies, set forth by the Puritan settlers. Calvinist doctrine included the idea of the inherent corruption of human nature and the concept of salvation coming only by the discretion of God himself (Robinson "Transcendentalism" 14). It is important to note here that the Calvinist belief was that the individual had absolutely no control over their ultimate spiritual fate through their actions in life. This orthodox belief asserts the Holy Trinity, through which God presents himself, elects those men chosen for salvation or condemnation - a fate decided before the creation of the world (Hutchison 3).

In the mid eighteenth century, there arose a desire to reform these Calvinist beliefs in order to create a more positive and liberal view of human nature. A number of ministers in Boston wished to bring about a fresh New England theology that stressed the ethical and pious behavior of the individual in the self-determination of their own salvation. This group of liberals, in the early nineteenth century, began to criticize the Congregational Church and its Calvinist ideals, stating that they hindered the individual's moral growth. This group of liberals eventually gathered behind a spokesman named William Ellery Channing, who argued the case for this fledgling Unitarian movement (Robinson "Transcendentalism" 14-15).

William Ellery Channing, in 1819, assumed the role of "unofficial spokesperson for American Unitarianism." His sermons and speeches beseeched his audiences to seek the truth for themselves in scripture, in order to pour their findings and feelings into poetry and passion for their newfound ideals (Barna 64-65). Channing's message stressed the fundamental belief that God was innately part of human nature and that this oneness with God would be supported by rational and reasonable interpretation of Biblical scripture (Hutchison 13).

Channing's efforts to re-define Unitarianism and establish the self-culture were simultaneously setting the foundation upon which the Transcendentalist movement would be built (Barna 65). Channing's message of self-development through moral and intellectual growth was reaching a new generation of participants, including Emerson. Plagued by a lack of self-confidence at this time, Emerson was struggling with the decision to commit himself to a career in the ministry. Channing's poetic style from the pulpit encouraged Emerson, who had previously found Unitarian theological and doctrinal preaching distasteful. Emerson eventually decided, in 1832, to resign from the Unitarian ministry in order to pursue a career as an essayist and orator (Robinson "Transcendentalism" 15-16). This departure from conservative Unitarianism marked the beginnings of the Transcendentalist movement. In and around Massachusetts, the majority of new Transcendentalists came from Unitarianism. The Unitarian intellectuals of the time still believed and asserted that Christ's divinity was proven by the miracles documented in the Bible - a claim found by the new Transcendentalists to be unreasonable (Capper 683).

In its earliest days, Transcendentalism was known mostly as a religious movement. Further reform of the church, including more open-minded reading of the Scripture and the questioning of miracles found in the Bible were considered to be most radical for the time. The movement, early on, was pushing for a less formal, less ritualistic religious experience (Worley 267). In 1836 the "Transcendental Club," comprised of Emerson and a number of his renowned contemporaries, began meeting. This was also the year in which Ralph Waldo Emerson anonymously published his first book, Nature (Versluis 290). From this point forward, the movement took a turn towards a more broad range of target subjects, including philosophy, theology, politics and literature. The diversity of the subject matter of their criticism and writing can be attributed to the range of intellectual interests the group shared, as well as their use of sources from the western tradition and from abroad (Capper 683).

It was in this period that Emerson penned his second collection of Essays, which was published in 1841. Included in it is Emerson's "Self-Reliance." It is a near reflection of the self-culture introduced earlier in the Unitarian reform by W.E. Channing. Emerson uses the essay as a vehicle for stressing the importance of the individual's intellectual and moral development, and for making a defensive statement supporting individualism itself (Belasco 683).

"A man should learn to detect and watch that gleam of light which flashes across his mind from within, more than the lustre of the firmament of bards and sages" (Emerson 684). From the outset of his essay, Emerson asserts that man should be focusing his attention to his inner self for guidance rather than relying on external religion and religious and philosophical figures. In doing this, he sets out to support the ideology of the individual that lies at the core of Transcendentalism. Robinson indicates that "Self-Reliance" deals with the fall of humanity, and it's saving throw, disciplined attention to the inner self (Robinson "Grace and Works" 226). As one progresses through Emerson's work in "Self-Reliance," it becomes evident that he works through several themes.

Acceptance of self is an important theme explored in the essay. The will of an individual can lead him away from the "oneness" that is essential to the Transcendentalist ideology. Reliance on, and acceptance of the self are the keys to achieving that "oneness," by way of trusting one's own thoughts (Barna 67). "Trust thyself: every heart vibrates to that iron string. Accept the place the divine Providence has found for you" (Emerson 685). Emerson goes on to describe the childlike mind, which trusts wholly, without the self-doubt typically encountered in an adult mind. Robinson describes this state of mind as a self-possession and self-acceptance on a sub-conscious level, allowing for true, natural intuitive action (Robinson "Grace and Works" 226). For progress as a true individual under the Transcendentalist way of thought to be possible, self-acceptance was paramount. This could occur only through complete trust in a person's own intuition without influence from outside forces of tradition, religion or government (Warren 208).

Somewhat connected to self-acceptance is the theme of non-conformity. Complete trust in one's self requires the abandonment of reliance on outside sources. Emerson speaks of society as a "joint-stock company" where its members are satisfied with sacrificing their liberty and culture for the sake of security. He continues, "The virtue in most request is conformity. Self-Reliance is its aversion" (Emerson 686). Non-conformity to society is the ultimate action of a self-reliant person, while conformity is the converse of self-reliance (Buell 173).

Emerson points to the essences of virtue, genius and life as stemming from intuition. This is considered to be the primary human wisdom, or intuition, with all later teachings considered to be "tuitions" (Emerson 691). It's Emerson's assertion here, as in his "Divinity School Address," that man can only truly develop the self and follow naturally occurring intuition by removing himself from the influences of the outside world. Emerson's statement continues to be that he can learn nothing from other people and traditions: It is the same assertion that created hostilities during his infamous speech at Harvard (Warren 208). Emerson's tone in "Self-Reliance" is less severe than that of his "Address," but is still strong in its message of individualism and self-trust coupled with the rejection of external distractions. He continues the criticism of the church, and man's reliance upon it: "Man is timid and apologetic. He is no longer upright. He dares not say 'I think,' 'I am,' but quotes some saint or sage" (Emerson 692). Reid describes the essay as pithy, and full of self-assertions and extreme self-righteousness. He also blasts Emerson's extreme view of isolationism (Reid 307).

Repeatedly throughout "Self-Reliance," Emerson returns to these ideas and themes to support his point that fortune and peace is attainable only through reliance on and trust in one's self. His work is a direct reflection of the ideals brought forth by Transcendentalism mostly in part because Emerson himself was at the helm of the movement as its most renowned member. Emerson took a movement that began as a fight for reform in the church, and transformed it through his writing and his participation in the Transcendental Club, into a veritable revolution of the American way of thought and philosophy. Perhaps it all began in Emerson's mind as a way to deal with the loss of his wife through completely isolating himself from all external thought and society, but it created a whirlwind of reformed thought. On reading "Self-Reliance," Emerson's influences are apparent, and his subject matter aligns perfectly with the messages and ideology of the Transcendentalists: "Nothing can bring you peace but yourself" (Emerson 701).
The way Thoreau was perceived by his contemporaries no doubt affected the reception of his work. Thoreau the man was easy to misunderstand. Even those who cared about him were conflicted in their feelings. He was not interested in making a good impression on others and did not care to correct false impressions. Thoreau's strong individualism, rejection of the conventions of society, and philosophical idealism all distanced him from others. He had no desire to meet external expectations if they varied from his own sense of how to live his life. Emerson, in his eulogy of Thoreau (printed in the August 1862 issue of Atlantic Monthly), wrote:

Had his genius been only contemplative, he had been fitted to his life, but with his energy and practical ability he seemed born for great enterprise and for command; and I so much regret the loss of his rare powers of action, that I cannot help counting it a fault in him that he had no ambition. Wanting this, instead of engineering for all America, he was the captain of a huckleberry-party.

But ambition was a word little used in Thoreau's writings. At the end of Walden he wrote, "Why should we be in such desperate haste to succeed and in such desperate enterprises?"

There was no reason why the merchants, lawyers, and church-goers of Concord — those who formed the fabric of society — should sympathize with Thoreau's outlook. Not only did he dismiss their values, but he wrote about it, too. Moreover, Thoreau made no attempt to conciliate those who felt threatened by his disregard of community concerns. When, in 1844, Thoreau and Edward Hoar unintentionally set fire to the woods in Concord, the disapproval of men who regretted the loss of property in the form of standing and cut wood was aggravated by Thoreau's lack of repentance. "I have had nothing to say to any of them," he wrote in his journal.

And yet, Thoreau was pragmatic as well as idealistic. His useful skills appealed to practical men. Emerson commented in his eulogy:

He grew to be revered and admired by his townsmen, who had at first known him only as an oddity. The farmers who employed him as a surveyor soon discovered his rare accuracy and skill, his knowledge of their lands, of trees, of birds, of Indian remains . . . which enabled him to tell every farmer more than he knew before of his own farm; so that he began to feel a little as if Mr. Thoreau had better rights in his land than he. They felt, too, the superiority of character which addressed all men with a native authority.

Emerson probably overstated the case in asserting the farmers' willingness to admit Thoreau's superior rights to their land. Nevertheless, through his residence in Concord from birth, his usefulness in his father's pencil business, and his range of skills as a handyman as well as a surveyor, Thoreau held a place in the community. And although he shunned superficial social connections (he referred to a party that he had attended as "a bad place to go"), he relished sympathetic companionship. He wrote in his journal entry for November 14, 1851, for example:

...old Mr. Joseph Hosmer and I ate our luncheon of cracker and cheese together in the woods. I heard all he said, though it was not much, to be sure, and he could hear me. And then he talked out of such a glorious repose, taking a leisurely bite at the cracker and cheese between his words; and so some of him was communicated to me, and some of me to him...

Thoreau clearly shared the common human craving for understanding.

Thoreau's idealism strained his relationships. Emerson wrote in his eulogy that "no equal companion stood in affectionate relations with one so pure and guileless," and went so far as to comment, "I think the severity of his ideal interfered to deprive him of a healthy sufficiency of human society." Moreover, there was an offputting thorniness to Thoreau's personality. Elizabeth Hoar said of him (as recorded in Emerson's journal and later incorporated into the eulogy), "I love Henry, but do not like him." Some of Thoreau's journal entries show a clear perception of the conflict between his need for friendship and closeness and his tendency toward disappointment with actual relationships. The fact that he never married (although he proposed once) likely indicates some level of understanding that his idealism worked against long-term intimacy.

Emerson wrote of Thoreau's combativeness in a June 1853 journal entry, later revised in the eulogy:

There was somewhat military in his nature not to be subdued [the words "stubborn and implacable" are found in the journal entry]; always manly and able, but rarely tender, as if he did not feel himself except in opposition. He wanted a fallacy to expose, a blunder to pillory . . . a little sense of victory . . . to call his powers into full exercise. It cost him nothing to say No; indeed, he found it much easier than to say Yes. It seemed as if his first instinct on hearing a proposition was to controvert it, so impatient was he of the limitations of our daily thought. This habit, of course, is a little chilling to the social affections...
Sarah Margaret Fuller Ossoli (May 23, 1810 - July 19, 1850), commonly known as Margaret Fuller, was an American journalist, critic, and women's rights advocate associated with the American transcendentalism movement. She was the first full-time American female book reviewer in journalism. Her book Woman in the Nineteenth Century is considered the first major feminist work in the United States.

Born Sarah Margaret Fuller in Cambridge, Massachusetts, she was given a substantial early education by her father, Timothy Fuller. She later had more formal schooling and became a teacher before, in 1839, she began overseeing what she called "conversations": discussions among women meant to compensate for their lack of access to higher education. She became the first editor of the transcendentalist journal The Dial in 1840, before joining the staff of the New York Tribune under Horace Greeley in 1844. By the time she was in her 30s, Fuller had earned a reputation as the best-read person in New England, male or female, and became the first woman allowed to use the library at Harvard College. Her seminal work, Woman in the Nineteenth Century, was published in 1845. A year later, she was sent to Europe for the Tribune as its first female correspondent. She soon became involved with the revolutions in Italy and allied herself with Giuseppe Mazzini. She had a relationship with Giovanni Ossoli, with whom she had a child. All three members of the family died in a shipwreck off Fire Island, New York, as they were traveling to the United States in 1850. Fuller's body was never recovered.

Fuller was an advocate of women's rights and, in particular, women's education and the right to employment. She also encouraged many other reforms in society, including prison reform and the emancipation of slaves in the United States. Many other advocates for women's rights and feminism, including Susan B. Anthony, cite Fuller as a source of inspiration. Many of her contemporaries, however, were not supportive, including her former friend Harriet Martineau. She said that Fuller was a talker rather than an activist. Shortly after Fuller's death, her importance faded; the editors who prepared her letters to be published, believing her fame would be short-lived, censored or altered much of her work before publication
Works (books, essays, poems, etc):

The most widely known and best-loved American poet of his lifetime, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow achieved a level of national and international prominence previously unequaled in the literary history of the United States. Poems such as "Paul Revere's Ride," Evangeline, A Tale of Acadie (1847), and "A Psalm of Life" became mainstays of national culture, long remembered by generations of readers who studied them in school. Longfellow's celebrity in his own time, however, has yielded to changing literary tastes and to reactions against the genteel tradition of authorship he represented. One of the few American writers honored in the Poets' Corner of Westminster Abbey, and believed to be the first (his bust was installed there in 1884), he has suffered an eclipse of reputation nearly as unparalleled as his original success. Still, Longfellow's achievements in fictional and nonfictional prose, in a striking variety of poetic forms and modes, and in translation from many European languages resulted in a remarkably productive and influential literary career—one achieved despite pressures of college teaching and repeated personal tragedies. Even if time has proved him something less than the master poet he never claimed to be, Longfellow made pioneering contributions to American literary life by exemplifying the possibility of a successful authorial career, by linking American poetry to European traditions beyond England, and by developing a surprisingly wide readership for romantic poetry.

Born on February 27, 1807, in Portland while Maine was still a part of Massachusetts, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow grew up in the thriving coastal city he remembered in "My Lost Youth" (1856) for its wharves and woodlands, the ships and sailors from distant lands who sparked his boyish imagination, and the historical associations of its old fort and an 1813 offshore naval battle between American and British brigs. His father, Stephen Longfellow, was an attorney and a Harvard graduate active in public affairs. His mother, Zilpah (Wadsworth) Longfellow, was the daughter of General Peleg Wadsworth, who had served in the American Revolution. She named this second son among her eight children for her brother, Henry Wadsworth, who had died heroically in Tripoli harbor in 1804. The family occupied the first brick house in Portland, built by the general and still maintained as a literary shrine to its most famous occupant. Henry began his schooling at age three, when he and his older brother, Stephen, enrolled in the first of several private schools in which they prepared for entrance to Bowdoin College. Aside from a leg injury that nearly resulted in amputation when he was eight, Henry apparently enjoyed his school friendships and outdoor recreation both in Portland and at his Grandfather Wadsworth's new home in the frontier village of Hiram, Maine. His father's book collection provided literary models of a neoclassical sort, and family storytelling acquainted him with New England lore dating to pilgrim days. The boy's first publication, appearing in the November 17, 1820 Portland Gazette and signed simply "Henry," drew on local history for a melancholy four-quatrain salute to warriors who fell at "The Battle of Lovell's Pond." A family friend's dismissal of the piece as both "stiff" and derivative may have discouraged Henry's ambition for the time. Also at age 13 he passed the entrance examinations for Bowdoin College, although his parents chose to have both Henry and Stephen complete their freshman studies at Portland Academy and delay the 20-mile move to Brunswick and the new college until their sophomore year.

Bowdoin College, when Henry and Stephen Longfellow arrived for the fall 1822 term, was a small and isolated school with a traditional curriculum and conservative Congregational leadership. The stimulus Henry Longfellow found there came less from classes or the library (open one hour a day and allowing students only limited borrowing privileges) than from literary societies. Elected to the Peucinian Society, he mixed with the academically ambitious students of the college (more serious than his brother or than classmates Nathaniel Hawthorne, Franklin Pierce, and Horatio Bridge—all belonging to the Athenean Society). The book holdings of the Peucinian Society, its formal debates, and its informal Conversations about contemporary writing and American authors encouraged Henry to direct his ambition toward literary eminence despite his practical father's preference for a career in law or one of the other established professions. Favorable responses to poems, reviews, sketches, and essays he contributed to the Portland Advertiser, American Monthly Magazine, and United States Literary Gazette sparked hopes for editing and writing opportunities that collided against the materialistic pragmatism of New England culture. Public speaking provided other outlets for Henry's artistic and rhetorical skills at Bowdoin: in his Junior Exhibition performance he anticipated The Song of Hiawatha (1855) by speaking as a "North American Savage" in a dialogue with an English settler, and his commencement address argued for redirection of national values in support of "Our American Authors."

Unenthusiastic about the legal career to which his father apparently destined him, Longfellow bargained for a year of postgraduate study in literature and modern languages while he explored possibilities of supporting himself by writing. Fate, however, intervened to protect him from the bar. Mrs. James Bowdoin, for whose late husband the college had been named, contributed $1,000 to endow a professorship in modern languages (only the fourth in the United States), and—on the strength of Longfellow's translation of a Horace ode that had impressed one of his father's colleagues among Bowdoin trustees—college authorities offered the position to the young graduate at his 1825 commencement on the condition that he prepare for the post by visiting Europe and becoming accomplished in Romance languages. On the advice of George Ticknor of Harvard, Longfellow decided to add German to French, Spanish, and Italian. He sailed from New York to Le Havre in May 1826 and spent the next three years rambling through cities and countryside, absorbing impressions of European cultures and places, living with families in Paris, Madrid, and Rome, and developing linguistic fluency. Before he settled down in the university town of Göttingen, to which Ticknor had directed him, Longfellow's approach to language acquisition was less systematic than impressionistic and even desultory. His model was Washington Irving, to whom he was introduced while in Spain, and Longfellow envisaged putting his experience to Irvingesque literary use. Homesickness, however, prompted him to develop a proposal for a never published new-world sketchbook featuring New England settings and stories, rather than any literary account of European materials; "The Wondrous Tale of a Little Man in Gosling Green," which appeared in the 1 November 1834 New Yorker, exemplifies his intent for that projected volume. In Germany, Longfellow settled down to relatively disciplined study in preparation for his Bowdoin professorship, though his readings there focused more on Spanish literature than German.

Returning to Maine in summer 1829, Longfellow as a young professor soon found himself immersed in the unpoetic routines of pedagogy. Later, he distilled memories of European wanderings (along with material from his college lectures) into Outre-Mer; A Pilgrimage beyond the Sea (1833, 1834) and the anticipatory "Schoolmaster" pieces he published between 1831 and 1833 in the New-England Magazine, but not before directing his talents to more practical kinds of writing.

Back at Bowdoin in his new role, Longfellow felt stultified in a college atmosphere so different from what he had experienced at Göttingen and stifled by the provincial atmosphere of Brunswick. He also found himself overburdened with instructional tasks—introducing students to the rudiments of various languages and developing teaching materials he could use in classes to replace rote recitation of grammar with literary conversation and translation. Most of his publications for the next few years involved textbooks for students of Spanish, French, and Italian. Aspiring to scholarly recognition beyond Brunswick, Longfellow also regularly wrote essays on French, Spanish, and Italian languages and literatures for the North American Review between 1831 and 1833. Aside from two Phi Beta Kappa poems—the first at Bowdoin in 1832 and the other the next year at Harvard—the poetry he was composing consisted chiefly of translations from Romance languages that he used in his classes and articles. His continuing concerns about the place of poetry in American culture emerged, however, in his 1832 review essay on a new edition of Sir Philip Sidney's "The Defence of Poetry," in which Longfellow argued that "the true glory of a nation consists not in the extent of its territory, the pomp of its forests, the majesty of its rivers, the height of its mountains, and the beauty of its sky; but in the extent of its mental power,—the majesty of its intellect,—the height and depth and purity of its moral nature."

Despite the frustrations Longfellow experienced in his new vocation, there was personal happiness. Shortly after his return from Europe, he began his courtship of Mary Potter, daughter of Judge Barrett Potter; she was a Portland neighbor who was a friend of his sister Anne. Longfellow and Mary Potter were married in September 1831. After a period in a boardinghouse near Bowdoin, they set up housekeeping in Brunswick even as the young husband explored every possible avenue of escape from that all-too-familiar environment. Longfellow sought diplomatic posts, considered opening a girls' school in New York or taking over the Round Hill School in Northampton, and applied for professorships in Virginia and New York before release came in the form of an invitation to succeed Ticknor as Smith Professor of Modern Languages at Harvard. To prepare himself for the new opportunity, Longfellow undertook another period of European travel—this time accompanied by his wife and two of her friends."
John Greenleaf Whittier was born to John and Abigail (Hussey) at their rural homestead in Haverhill, Massachusetts, on December 17, 1807.[1] His middle name is thought to mean 'feuillevert' after his Huguenot forebears.[2] He grew up on the farm in a household with his parents, a brother and two sisters, a maternal aunt and paternal uncle, and a constant flow of visitors and hired hands for the farm. As a boy, it was discovered that Whittier was color-blind when he was unable to see a difference between ripe and unripe strawberries.[3] Their farm was not very profitable and there was only enough money to get by. Whittier himself was not cut out for hard farm labor and suffered from bad health and physical frailty his whole life. Although he received little formal education, he was an avid reader who studied his father's six books on Quakerism until their teachings became the foundation of his ideology. Whittier was heavily influenced by the doctrines of his religion, particularly its stress on humanitarianism, compassion, and social responsibility.

Whittier was first introduced to poetry by a teacher. His sister sent his first poem, "The Exile's Departure", to the Newburyport Free Press without his permission and its editor, William Lloyd Garrison, published it on June 8, 1826.[4] Garrison as well as another local editor encouraged Whittier to attend the recently opened Haverhill Academy. To raise money to attend the school, Whittier became a shoemaker for a time, and a deal was made to pay part of his tuition with food from the family farm.[5] Before his second term, he earned money to cover tuition by serving as a teacher in a one-room schoolhouse in what is now Merrimac, Massachusetts.[6] He attended Haverhill Academy from 1827 to 1828 and completed a high school education in only two terms.

Garrison gave Whittier the job of editor of the National Philanthropist, a Boston-based temperance weekly. Shortly after a change in management, Garrison reassigned him as editor of the weekly American Manufacturer in Boston.[7] Whittier became an out-spoken critic of President Andrew Jackson, and by 1830 was editor of the prominent New England Weekly Review in Hartford, Connecticut, the most influential Whig journal in New England. In 1833 he published The Song of the Vermonters, 1779, which he had anonymously inserted in The New England Magazine. The poem was erroneously attributed to Ethan Allen for nearly sixty years.

Abolitionist activity[edit]

Broadside publication of Whittier's Our Countrymen in Chains
During the 1830s, Whittier became interested in politics but, after losing a Congressional election at age twenty-five, he suffered a nervous breakdown and returned home. The year 1833 was a turning point for Whittier; he resurrected his correspondence with Garrison, and the passionate abolitionist began to encourage the young Quaker to join his cause.

In 1833, Whittier published the antislavery pamphlet Justice and Expediency,[8] and from there dedicated the next twenty years of his life to the abolitionist cause. The controversial pamphlet destroyed all of his political hopes — as his demand for immediate emancipation alienated both northern businessmen and southern slaveholders — but it also sealed his commitment to a cause that he deemed morally correct and socially necessary. He was a founding member of the American Anti-Slavery Society and signed the Anti-Slavery Declaration of 1833, which he often considered the most significant action of his life.

Whittier's political skill made him useful as a lobbyist, and his willingness to badger anti-slavery congressional leaders into joining the abolitionist cause was invaluable. From 1835 to 1838, he traveled widely in the North, attending conventions, securing votes, speaking to the public, and lobbying politicians. As he did so, Whittier received his fair share of violent responses, being several times mobbed, stoned, and run out of town. From 1838 to 1840, he was editor of The Pennsylvania Freeman in Philadelphia,[9] one of the leading antislavery papers in the North, formerly known as the National Enquirer. In May 1838, the publication moved its offices to the newly opened Pennsylvania Hall on North Sixth Street, which was shortly after burned by a pro-slavery mob.[10] Whittier also continued to write poetry and nearly all of his poems in this period dealt with the problem of slavery.

By the end of the 1830s, the unity of the abolitionist movement had begun to fracture. Whittier stuck to his belief that moral action apart from political effort was futile. He knew that success required legislative change, not merely moral suasion. This opinion alone engendered a bitter split from Garrison,[citation needed] and Whittier went on to become a founding member of the Liberty Party in 1839.[9] In 1840 he attended the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London.[11] By 1843, he was announcing the triumph of the fledgling party: "Liberty party is no longer an experiment. It is vigorous reality, exerting... a powerful influence".[12] Whittier also unsuccessfully encouraged Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow to join the party.[13] He took editing jobs with the Middlesex Standard in Lowell, Massachusetts, and the Essex Transcript in Amesbury until 1844.[9] While in Lowell, he met Lucy Larcom, who became a lifelong friend.[14]

In 1845, he began writing his essay "The Black Man" which included an anecdote about John Fountain, a free black who was jailed in Virginia for helping slaves escape. After his release, Fountain went on a speaking tour and thanked Whittier for writing his story.[15]

Around this time, the stresses of editorial duties, worsening health, and dangerous mob violence caused him to have a physical breakdown. Whittier went home to Amesbury, and remained there for the rest of his life, ending his active participation in abolition. Even so, he continued to believe that the best way to gain abolitionist support was to broaden the Liberty Party's political appeal, and Whittier persisted in advocating the addition of other issues to their platform. He eventually participated in the evolution of the Liberty Party into the Free Soil Party, and some say his greatest political feat was convincing Charles Sumner to run on the Free-Soil ticket for the U.S. Senate in 1850.

Beginning in 1847, Whittier was editor of Gamaliel Bailey's The National Era,[9] one of the most influential abolitionist newspapers in the North. For the next ten years it featured the best of his writing, both as prose and poetry. Being confined to his home and away from the action offered Whittier a chance to write better abolitionist poetry; he was even poet laureate for his party. Whittier's poems often used slavery to represent all kinds of oppression (physical, spiritual, economic), and his poems stirred up popular response because they appealed to feelings rather than logic.

Whittier produced two collections of antislavery poetry: Poems Written during the Progress of the Abolition Question in the United States, between 1830 and 1838 and Voices of Freedom (1846). He was an elector in the presidential election of 1860 and of 1864, voting for Abraham Lincoln both times.[16]

The passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865 ended both slavery and his public cause, so Whittier turned to other forms of poetry for the remainder of his life.
James Russell Lowell, (born Feb. 22, 1819, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.—died Aug. 12, 1891, Cambridge), American poet, critic, essayist, editor, and diplomat whose major significance probably lies in the interest in literature he helped develop in the United States. He was a highly influential man of letters in his day, but his reputation declined in the 20th century.

A member of a distinguished New England family, Lowell graduated from Harvard in 1838 and in 1840 took his degree in law, though his academic career had been lacklustre and he did not care to practice law for a profession. In 1844 he was married to the gifted poet Maria White, who had inspired his poems in A Year's Life (1841) and who would help him channel his energies into fruitful directions.

In 1845 Lowell published Conversations on Some of the Old Poets, a collection of critical essays that included pleas for the abolition of slavery. From 1845 to 1850 he wrote about 50 antislavery articles for periodicals. Even more effective in this regard were his Biglow Papers, which he began to serialize June 17, 1846, and the first series of which were collected in book form in 1848. In these satirical verses, Lowell uses a humorous and original New England dialect to express his opposition to the Mexican War as an attempt to extend the area of slavery. The year 1848 also saw the publication of Lowell's two other most important pieces of writing: The Vision of Sir Launfal, an enormously popular long poem extolling the brotherhood of man; and A Fable for Critics, a witty and rollicking verse evaluation of contemporary American authors. These books, together with the publication that year of the second series of his Poems, made Lowell the most popular new figure in American literature.

The death of three of Lowell's children was followed by the death of his wife in 1853. Henceforth his literary production comprised mainly prose essays on topics of literature, history, and politics. In 1855 his lectures on English poets before the Lowell Institute led to his appointment as Smith professor of modern languages at Harvard University, succeeding Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. After a yearlong visit to Italy and Germany in 1855-56 to study, he held this professorship for the next 20 years. In 1857 he married Frances Dunlap, who had cared for his only remaining child, Mabel; and in that year he began his four years' editorship of the new Atlantic Monthly, to which he attracted the major New England authors. Lowell wrote a second series of Biglow Papers for the Atlantic Monthly that were devoted to Unionism and that were collected in book form in 1867. After the American Civil War he expressed his devotion to the Union cause in four memorial odes, the best of which is "Ode Recited at the Harvard Commemoration" (1865). His essays such as "E Pluribus Unum" and "Washers of the Shroud" (1862) also reflect his thought at this time.

Disillusioned by the political corruption evident in President Ulysses S. Grant's two administrations (1869-77), Lowell tried to provide his fellow Americans with models of heroism and idealism in literature. He was editor with Charles Eliot Norton of North American Review from 1864 to 1872, and during this time appeared his series of critical essays on such major literary figures as Dante, Chaucer, Edmund Spenser, John Milton, William Shakespeare, John Dryden, William Wordsworth, and John Keats. These and other critical essays were collected in the two series of Among My Books (1870, 1876). His later poetry includes The Cathedral (1870), a long and ambitious but only partly successful poem that deals with the conflicting claims of religion and modern science.

President Rutherford B. Hayes rewarded Lowell's support in the Republican convention in 1876 by appointing him minister to Spain (1877-80) and ambassador to Great Britain (1880-85). Lowell won great popularity in England's literary and political circles and served as president of the Wordsworth Society, succeeding Matthew Arnold. After his second wife died in 1885, Lowell retired from public life.

Lowell was the archetypal New England man of letters, remarkable for his cultivation and charm, his deep learning, and his varied literary talents. He wrote his finest works before he was 30 years old, however, and most of his subsequent writings lack vitality. The totality of his work, though brilliant in parts, ultimately suffers from a lack of focus and a failure to follow up on his undoubted early successes.
ames Russell Lowell, (born Feb. 22, 1819, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.—died Aug. 12, 1891, Cambridge), American poet, critic, essayist, editor, and diplomat whose major significance probably lies in the interest in literature he helped develop in the United States. He was a highly influential man of letters in his day, but his reputation declined in the 20th century.

A member of a distinguished New England family, Lowell graduated from Harvard in 1838 and in 1840 took his degree in law, though his academic career had been lacklustre and he did not care to practice law for a profession. In 1844 he was married to the gifted poet Maria White, who had inspired his poems in A Year's Life (1841) and who would help him channel his energies into fruitful directions.

In 1845 Lowell published Conversations on Some of the Old Poets, a collection of critical essays that included pleas for the abolition of slavery. From 1845 to 1850 he wrote about 50 antislavery articles for periodicals. Even more effective in this regard were his Biglow Papers, which he began to serialize June 17, 1846, and the first series of which were collected in book form in 1848. In these satirical verses, Lowell uses a humorous and original New England dialect to express his opposition to the Mexican War as an attempt to extend the area of slavery. The year 1848 also saw the publication of Lowell's two other most important pieces of writing: The Vision of Sir Launfal, an enormously popular long poem extolling the brotherhood of man; and A Fable for Critics, a witty and rollicking verse evaluation of contemporary American authors. These books, together with the publication that year of the second series of his Poems, made Lowell the most popular new figure in American literature.

The death of three of Lowell's children was followed by the death of his wife in 1853. Henceforth his literary production comprised mainly prose essays on topics of literature, history, and politics. In 1855 his lectures on English poets before the Lowell Institute led to his appointment as Smith professor of modern languages at Harvard University, succeeding Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. After a yearlong visit to Italy and Germany in 1855-56 to study, he held this professorship for the next 20 years. In 1857 he married Frances Dunlap, who had cared for his only remaining child, Mabel; and in that year he began his four years' editorship of the new Atlantic Monthly, to which he attracted the major New England authors. Lowell wrote a second series of Biglow Papers for the Atlantic Monthly that were devoted to Unionism and that were collected in book form in 1867. After the American Civil War he expressed his devotion to the Union cause in four memorial odes, the best of which is "Ode Recited at the Harvard Commemoration" (1865). His essays such as "E Pluribus Unum" and "Washers of the Shroud" (1862) also reflect his thought at this time.

Disillusioned by the political corruption evident in President Ulysses S. Grant's two administrations (1869-77), Lowell tried to provide his fellow Americans with models of heroism and idealism in literature. He was editor with Charles Eliot Norton of North American Review from 1864 to 1872, and during this time appeared his series of critical essays on such major literary figures as Dante, Chaucer, Edmund Spenser, John Milton, William Shakespeare, John Dryden, William Wordsworth, and John Keats. These and other critical essays were collected in the two series of Among My Books (1870, 1876). His later poetry includes The Cathedral (1870), a long and ambitious but only partly successful poem that deals with the conflicting claims of religion and modern science.

President Rutherford B. Hayes rewarded Lowell's support in the Republican convention in 1876 by appointing him minister to Spain (1877-80) and ambassador to Great Britain (1880-85). Lowell won great popularity in England's literary and political circles and served as president of the Wordsworth Society, succeeding Matthew Arnold. After his second wife died in 1885, Lowell retired from public life.

Lowell was the archetypal New England man of letters, remarkable for his cultivation and charm, his deep learning, and his varied literary talents. He wrote his finest works before he was 30 years old, however, and most of his subsequent writings lack vitality. The totality of his work, though brilliant in parts, ultimately suffers from a lack of focus and a failure to follow up on his undoubted early successes.
Emily Dickinson was born on December 10, 1830, in Amherst, Massachusetts. She attended Mount Holyoke Female Seminary in South Hadley, but only for one year. Throughout her life, she seldom left her home and visitors were few. The people with whom she did come in contact, however, had an enormous impact on her poetry. She was particularly stirred by the Reverend Charles Wadsworth, whom she first met on a trip to Philadelphia. He left for the West Coast shortly after a visit to her home in 1860, and some critics believe his departure gave rise to the heartsick flow of verse from Dickinson in the years that followed. While it is certain that he was an important figure in her life, it is not clear that their relationship was romantic—she called him "my closest earthly friend." Other possibilities for the unrequited love that was the subject of many of Dickinson's poems include Otis P. Lord, a Massachusetts Supreme Court judge, and Samuel Bowles, editor of the Springfield Republican.

By the 1860s, Dickinson lived in almost complete isolation from the outside world, but actively maintained many correspondences and read widely. She spent a great deal of this time with her family. Her father, Edward Dickinson, was actively involved in state and national politics, serving in Congress for one term. Her brother, Austin, who attended law school and became an attorney, lived next door with his wife, Susan Gilbert. Dickinson's younger sister, Lavinia, also lived at home for her entire life in similar isolation. Lavinia and Austin were not only family, but intellectual companions for Dickinson during her lifetime.

Dickinson's poetry was heavily influenced by the Metaphysical poets of seventeenth-century England, as well as her reading of the Book of Revelation and her upbringing in a Puritan New England town, which encouraged a Calvinist, orthodox, and conservative approach to Christianity.

She admired the poetry of Robert and Elizabeth Barrett Browning, as well as John Keats. Though she was dissuaded from reading the verse of her contemporary Walt Whitman by rumors of its disgracefulness, the two poets are now connected by the distinguished place they hold as the founders of a uniquely American poetic voice. While Dickinson was extremely prolific as a poet and regularly enclosed poems in letters to friends, she was not publicly recognized during her lifetime. The first volume of her work was published posthumously in 1890 and the last in 1955. She died in Amherst in 1886.

Upon her death, Dickinson's family discovered forty handbound volumes of nearly 1,800 poems, or "fascicles" as they are sometimes called. Dickinson assembled these booklets by folding and sewing five or six sheets of stationery paper and copying what seem to be final versions of poems. The handwritten poems show a variety of dash-like marks of various sizes and directions (some are even vertical). The poems were initially unbound and published according to the aesthetics of her many early editors, who removed her unusual and varied dashes, replacing them with traditional punctuation. The current standard version of her poems replaces her dashes with an en-dash, which is a closer typographical approximation to her intention. The original order of the poems was not restored until 1981, when Ralph W. Franklin used the physical evidence of the paper itself to restore her intended order, relying on smudge marks, needle punctures, and other clues to reassemble the packets. Since then, many critics have argued that there is a thematic unity in these small collections, rather than their order being simply chronological or convenient. The Manuscript Books of Emily Dickinson (Belknap Press, 1981) is the only volume that keeps the order intact.
Motherless at two, Simms was reared by his grandmother while his father fought in the Creek wars and under Jackson at New Orleans in 1814. Simms lived a vicariously adventurous childhood through his father, while absorbing history through his storytelling grandmother who had lived through the Revolution. After attending public schools for four years, when he entered the College of Charleston at 10, he knew enough French, Latin, German, and Spanish to dabble in translations. At 12 he completed the study of materia medica, and left college to become a druggist's apprentice. He began publishing poetry in Charleston papers at 16. Soon thereafter he joined his itinerant father in the Mississippi frontier country, meeting the people and seeing the life of which he later wrote. He edited a magazine and published a volume of poetry at 19, married at 20, and was admitted to the bar at 21.

Simms was a prodigious worker, whether at Woodlands Plantation in winter, Charleston in summer, or on yearly publishing trips north. As state legislator and magazine and newspaper editor, he became embroiled in political and literary quarrels. From Charleston and the South he nevertheless received lifelong praise approaching adulation; from the North, wide audience and eminent literary friendships despite his strong defense of slavery. Though his life was shadowed by defeat of the Confederacy, the death of his second wife, poverty, and the destruction of his home and library during the passage of Sherman's army, his letters attest a figure long underestimated by literary historians. Although not born into the social and literary circles of Charleston, he was eventually made a member of the city's most select group, the St. Cecilia Society.

Simms has been criticized for writing too much, too carelessly, and with too frequent use of stock devices; he was at his best the master of a racy and masculine English prose style and in dealing humorously with rowdy frontier characters. His gift as a teller of tales in the oral tradition and the antiquarian care he took in preparing historical materials are dominant features of such works as Pelayo (1838), in an 8th-century setting; Vasconselos (1853), 16th century; The Yemassee (1835; his most successful work in audience appeal), colonial; the revolutionary series—The Partisan (1835), Mellichampe (1836), The Kinsmen (1841), Katherine Walton (1851), Woodcraft (1854), The Forayers (1855), Eutaw (1856), Joscelyn (1867); his best border romances—Richard Hurdis (1838) and Border Beagles (1840); his short-story collection The Wigwam and the Cabin (1845); and his History of South Carolina (1840). Of 19 volumes of poetry, the collected Poems (1853) deserve mention. Most popular of his biographies were The Life of Francis Marion (1844) and The Life of Chevalier Bayard (1847). His literary criticism is represented in Views and Reviews of American Literature (1845).
an American writer, editor, and literary critic. Poe is best known for his poetry and short stories, particularly his tales of mystery and the macabre. He is widely regarded as a central figure of Romanticism in the United States and American literature as a whole, and he was one of the country's earliest practitioners of the short story. Poe is generally considered the inventor of the detective fiction genre and is further credited with contributing to the emerging genre of science fiction. He was the first well-known American writer to try to earn a living through writing alone, resulting in a financially difficult life and career.

Poe was born in Boston, the second child of two actors. His father abandoned the family in 1810, and his mother died the following year. Thus orphaned, the child was taken in by John and Frances Allan of Richmond, Virginia. They never formally adopted him, but Poe was with them well into young adulthood. Tension developed later as John Allan and Edgar repeatedly clashed over debts, including those incurred by gambling, and the cost of secondary education for the young man. Poe attended the University of Virginia for one semester but left due to lack of money. Poe quarreled with Allan over the funds for his education and enlisted in the Army in 1827 under an assumed name. It was at this time that his publishing career began, albeit humbly, with the anonymous collection Tamerlane and Other Poems (1827), credited only to "a Bostonian". With the death of Frances Allan in 1829, Poe and Allan reached a temporary rapprochement. However, Poe later failed as an officer cadet at West Point, declaring a firm wish to be a poet and writer, and he ultimately parted ways with John Allan.

Poe switched his focus to prose and spent the next several years working for literary journals and periodicals, becoming known for his own style of literary criticism. His work forced him to move among several cities, including Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York City. In Richmond in 1836, he married Virginia Clemm, his 13-year-old cousin. In January 1845, Poe published his poem "The Raven" to instant success. His wife died of tuberculosis two years after its publication. For years, he had been planning to produce his own journal The Penn (later renamed The Stylus), though he died before it could be produced. Poe died in Baltimore on October 7, 1849, at age 40; the cause of his death is unknown and has been variously attributed to alcohol, brain congestion, cholera, drugs, heart disease, rabies, suicide, tuberculosis, and other agents.

Poe and his works influenced literature in the United States and around the world, as well as in specialized fields such as cosmology and cryptography. Poe and his work appear throughout popular culture in literature, music, films, and television. A number of his homes are dedicated museums today. The Mystery Writers of America present an annual award known as the Edgar Award for distinguished work in the mystery genre.
an American novelist, dark romantic, and short story writer.

He was born in 1804 in Salem, Massachusetts to Nathaniel Hathorne and the former Elizabeth Clarke Manning. His ancestors include John Hathorne, the only judge involved in the Salem witch trials who never repented of his actions. He entered Bowdoin College in 1821, was elected to Phi Beta Kappa in 1824,[1] and graduated in 1825. He published his first work in 1828, the novel Fanshawe; he later tried to suppress it, feeling that it was not equal to the standard of his later work.[2] He published several short stories in periodicals, which he collected in 1837 as Twice-Told Tales. The next year, he became engaged to Sophia Peabody. He worked at the Boston Custom House and joined Brook Farm, a transcendentalist community, before marrying Peabody in 1842. The couple moved to The Old Manse in Concord, Massachusetts, later moving to Salem, the Berkshires, then to The Wayside in Concord. The Scarlet Letter was published in 1850, followed by a succession of other novels. A political appointment as consul took Hawthorne and family to Europe before their return to Concord in 1860. Hawthorne died on May 19, 1864, and was survived by his wife and their three children.

Much of Hawthorne's writing centers on New England, many works featuring moral metaphors with an anti-Puritan inspiration. His fiction works are considered part of the Romantic movement and, more specifically, dark romanticism. His themes often center on the inherent evil and sin of humanity, and his works often have moral messages and deep psychological complexity. His published works include novels, short stories, and a biography of his college friend Franklin Pierce, the 14th President of the United States.
Bancroft was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 1882. During his early days as a sailor, he staged plays onboard ship. He graduated from the United States Naval Academy as a commissioned officer, but left the Navy after his enlistment was completed to become a blackface song and dance comedian in revue.

After that, he turned to melodrama and musical comedy. He later became one of the top Hollywood stars of the 1920s. Bancroft's first starring role was in The Pony Express (1925), and the next year he played an important supporting role in a cast including Wallace Beery and Charles Farrell in the period naval widescreen epic Old Ironsides (1926), then went from historical pictures to the gritty world of the underground in Paramount Pictures productions such as von Sternberg's Underworld (1927) and The Docks of New York (1928). He was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Actor in 1929 for Thunderbolt, played the title role in The Wolf of Wall Street (1929, released just prior to the Wall Street Crash),[1] and appeared in Paramount's all-star revue Paramount on Parade (1930) and Rowland Brown's Blood Money (1933), condemned by the censors because they feared the film would "incite law-abiding citizens to crime.

Those who knew him, such as Budd Schulberg, said that he developed an inflated ego. Reportedly, he refused to fall down on set after a prop revolver was fired at him, saying "Just one bullet can't stop Bancroft!" By 1934, he had slipped to being a supporting actor, although he still appeared in reduced roles in such classics as Mr. Deeds Goes to Town (1936) with Gary Cooper, Angels with Dirty Faces (1938) with James Cagney and Humphrey Bogart, Each Dawn I Die (1939) with Cagney and George Raft, and Stagecoach (1939) with John Wayne. In 1942, he left Hollywood to be a rancher. He died in 1956 in Santa Monica, California, and was interred there in the Woodlawn Memorial Cemetery.
William Hickling Prescott (May 4, 1796 - January 28, 1859) was an American historian and Hispanist, who is widely recognized by historiographers to have been the first American scientific historian. Despite suffering from serious visual impairment, which at times prevented him from reading or writing for himself, Prescott became one of the most eminent historians of 19th century America. He is also noted for his eidetic memory.

After an extensive period of study, during which he sporadically contributed to academic journals, Prescott specialized in late Renaissance Spain and the early Spanish Empire. His works on the subject, The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic (1837), The History of the Conquest of Mexico (1843), A History of the Conquest of Peru (1847) and the unfinished History of the Reign of Phillip II (1856-1858) have become classic works in the field, and have had a great impact on the study of both Spain and Mesoamerica. During his lifetime, he was upheld as one of the greatest living American intellectuals, and knew personally many of the leading political figures of the day, in both the United States and Britain. Prescott has become one of the most widely translated American historians, and was an important figure in the development of history as a rigorous academic discipline.[3][4] Historians admire Prescott for his exhaustive, careful, and systematic use of archives, his accurate recreation of sequences of events, his balanced judgments and his lively writing style. He was primarily focused on political and military affairs, largely ignoring economic, social, intellectual, and cultural forces that in recent decades historians have focused on. Instead, he wrote narrative history, subsuming unstated causal forces in his driving storyline
Francis Parkman, (born Sept. 16, 1823, Boston, Mass., U.S.—died Nov. 8, 1893, Jamaica Plain, Mass.), American historian noted for his classic seven-volume history of France and England in North America, covering the colonial period from the beginnings to 1763.
Early Years.

Parkman was the son of Francis Parkman, a leading Unitarian minister of Boston. As a boy, he met many of his father's literary friends and read widely in the family library. He was taught Greek, Latin, and mathematics at the Chauncy Place School in Boston.

At Harvard, Parkman, a talented linguist, read almost as many books in foreign languages as in English, including the original texts of great historians of antiquity. He also devoured the major works of French literature and history. In serious archival studies he was encouraged by his teacher, the renowned historian Jared Sparks. Sparks, a man drawn to adventure and exploration, exerted an enormous influence on Parkman.

Though teachers and books helped to shape Parkman's thinking in his formative years, he gathered data, as indicated by his letters and journals, through direct observation. During his college years he exhausted friends who struggled to keep pace with him on woodland expeditions through New England and southeastern Canada. Yet he did not neglect to participate in whiskey punch and Indian war cries that sometimes followed dormitory suppers. Pretty girls and horses, he concluded, were "the 'first-ratest' things in nature." After a breakdown in health during his last year in college, he made a grand tour of Europe in 1844. His particular interest in the Roman Catholic church prompted him to observe it at close range, even living for a short time in a monastery in Rome. In the following year, he toured historic sites in the northwest of America and, to please his father, completed requirements for a law degree at Harvard. In the summer of 1846 he embarked on a journey to the Great Plains in which he traveled a portion of the Oregon Trail to Fort Laramie.
Literary Career.

Parkman's literary career had its real beginning after he returned from the West. Despite temporary illness and partial loss of sight, he managed to write a series of Oregon Trail recollections for the Knickerbocker Magazine. Published in 1849 as The California and Oregon Trail, the book's title was misleading because Parkman had ventured nowhere near California. He keenly regretted the "publisher's trick" of the mention of California as a stimulus to better sales. The book, in later editions called The Oregon Trail; Sketches of Prairie and Rocky-Mountain Life, became one of the best-selling personal narratives of the 19th century.

The Oregon Trail served notice that a new writer, at home on the frontier as well as in staid, provincial Boston, had appeared. Parkman's History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac, completed just before his marriage to Catherine Scollay Bigelow in 1851, was his first historical work, a comprehensive survey of Anglo-French history and Indian affairs in North America, culminating in the great Ottawa chief's "conspiracy" and Indian war of 1763. In the "dark years" of illness following the death of his young son (1857) and his wife (1858), Parkman entered a period of depression and semi-infirmity. His complaints of heart trouble, insomnia, painful headaches, semiblindness, water on the knee, and finally arthritis and rheumatism, which fill his correspondence, were probably the result of an underlying neurosis. By personalizing his illness and calling it the "enemy," Parkman seems to have forced himself to play the role of a man of action at the cost of great tension. His struggle against the "enemy" enabled him to maintain his self-respect and appears to be at least partly responsible for the powerful drive and creative force behind his writings.

By the time the American Civil War ended, Parkman had at least partly overcome his personal "enemy" of illness to complete his Pioneers of France in the New World (1865), a vivid account of French penetration of the North American wilderness that created a setting for his later volumes. In the 27 years following the Civil War, Parkman (who had to content himself with writing militant, patriotic letters to the press during the conflict) completed his elaborate series by writing six more historical works in addition to the Pioneers. The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century (1867) is a powerful narrative of the tragedy of the Jesuit missionaries whose missions among the Hurons were destroyed by persistent Iroquois attacks, and his La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, first published in 1869 as The Discovery of the Great West but later revised after French documents were made available, is in many respects one of the best one-volume biographies in the English language. René-Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle, a hardy, gallant figure who overcame almost every obstacle in his path, was a heroic figure almost made for Parkman's pen. Count Frontenac and New France Under Louis XIV (1877) tells the story of New France, the early French settlement in Canada, under its most formidable governor, a man of vanity, courage, and audacity. Yet it was in Montcalm and Wolfe (1884)—a true biography of the French general Marquis de Montcalm and the English general James Wolfe, both of whom died at the Battle of Quebec in 1759—that Parkman not only reached his highest achievement in character portrayal but also showed how great biography can be used to penetrate the spirit of an age. By contrast, Parkman's The Old Régime in Canada, published in 1874, provides a sweeping panorama of New France in her infancy and youth, a pioneer work in social history that holds the interest of the reader no less than his narrative volumes. Parkman's literary artistry is perhaps best studied in A Half-Century of Conflict (1892), completed shortly before his death. This final link in his history France and England in North America is a fascinating but complex account of events leading up to the French and Indian War.

Parkman portrayed the Anglo-French and Indian wars as part of a struggle between contesting civilizations, in which the interior wilderness acted as a modifying force on rival colonial cultures. Perhaps his greatest achievement was his skill in recognizing the dramatic potentials in the raw materials of history, so that he could create a narrative both historically accurate and, as he said, "consistent with just historic proportion." When he wrote that his aim was "to get at the truth," he explained the search for factual data that underlies his entire work. Not all of his interpretations have been accepted unquestioningly, but Parkman's genius with the pen was such that his main figures—Frontenac, Montcalm, Wolfe, La Salle, and Pontiac—are not so much remembered today because of what they did but because Parkman made them the heroes of his history of Anglo-French rivalry in North America.

Flickr Creative Commons Images

Some images used in this set are licensed under the Creative Commons through
Click to see the original works with their full license.